Migration to and from Ireland is often the subject of definitive claims. During the 1980s, migration from Ireland was most commonly described as a brain drain. Despite the constant flows and counterflows, academic studies tend to focus on just one direction of movement, reflecting dominant concerns at particular points in time. The 1950s and the 1980s are characterized as decades of emigration, the Celtic Tiger era as a period of immigration, and the current recession is manifest as a return to mass emigration. This book addresses the three key themes from a variety of spatial, temporal and theoretical perspectives. The theme of networks is addressed. Transnational loyalist networks acted both to facilitate the speaking tours of loyalist speakers and to re-translate the political meanings and messages being communicated by the speakers. The Irish Catholic Church and specifically its re-working of its traditional pastoral, lobbying and development role within Irish emigrant communities, is discussed. By highlighting three key areas such as motives, institutions and strategies, and support infrastructures, the book suggests that the Irish experience offers a nuanced understanding of the different forms of networks that exist between a state and its diaspora, and shows the importance of working to support the self-organization of the diaspora. Perceptions of belonging both pre- and postmigration encouraged ethnographic research in six Direct Provision asylum accommodation centres across Ireland. Finally, the book provides insights into the intersections between 'migrancy' and other social categories including gender, nationality and class/position in the labour hierarchy.
Deporting Black Britons provides an ethnographic account of deportation from the UK to Jamaica. It traces the painful stories of four men who were deported after receiving criminal convictions in the UK. For each of the men, all of whom had moved to the UK as children, deportation was lived as exile – from parents, partners, children and friends – and the book offers portraits of survival and hardship in both the UK and Jamaica. Based on over four years of research, Deporting Black Britons describes the human consequences of deportation, while situating deportation stories within the broader context of policy, ideology, law and violence. It examines the relationship between racism, criminalisation and immigration control in contemporary Britain, suggesting new ways of thinking about race, borders and citizenship in these anti-immigrant times. Ultimately, the book argues that these stories of exile and banishment should orient us in the struggle against violent immigration controls, in the UK and elsewhere.
stem cell research
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areas – motives, institutions and strategies, and support infrastructures – they suggest that the
Irish experience offers a nuanced understanding of the different forms of
networks that exist between a state and its diaspora, and shows the importance of working to support the self-organization of the diaspora. The role of
migrant media in the lives of two of Ireland’s migrant populations is the focus
of the chapter by Aphra Kerr, Rebecca King-O’Riain and Gavan Titley. The
authors explore the role of traditional migrant ‘print media’ in the lives of
migrants in Ireland
beings, and rouse them
to collective action and self-sacrifice. It reveals how the participants endow
certain objects with primordial qualities and base some of their actions
on such perceptions and beliefs’ (Smith, 2001: 158).
1 Another definition of civil society, similar to Tocqueville’s formulation, is
‘the independent self-organization of society, the constituent parts of which
voluntarily engage in public activity to pursue individual, group, or national
interests within the context of a legally defined state–society relationship’
(Weigle and Butterfield
Environmental managerialism and golf’s conspicuous exemption
Brad Millington and Brian Wilson
populist governing takes the form of stakeholder
participation or forms of participatory governance that
operates beyond the state and permits a form of
self-management, self-organization and controlled
self-disciplining (see Dean, 1999 ;
Lemke, 1999 ), under the aegis of a
non-disputed liberal-capitalist order .
( Swyngedouw , 2010 : 223 emphasis
example, that new golf courses might be built in Ontario in the name
that the structure of the Maghrebi
immigrant population has changed. ‘[One section] is older, and is increasingly
threatened by unemployment in the car, steel and mining industries. The other
segment is younger, and in spite of such difficulties as delinquency, unemployment, insufficient vocational training, failure at school, and drug use, is better
disposed towards economic, social, cultural and even political self-organization
… Some Maghrebians still belong to the first generation, while others are French
citizens well-integrated into their social groups’ (Wihtol
Mikhail Bakunin wrote: “No state, however democratic – not even the
reddest republic – can ever give the people what they really want, i.e.,
the free self-organization and administration of their own affairs from
the bottom upward, without any interference or violence from above”
(Dolgoff 1971: 338).
Strategy in the anarchist movement is radical and multifaceted. As a
political tradition, anarchism has possessed an antagonism toward authority in a broad sense, rather than the limited, popular understanding: as
a broad challenge to all forms of