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create new boundaries that coincide with those of “nations”. For example, in Scotland in 2014, Catalonia in 2017 and Bougainville (a part of Papua New Guinea) in 2019 2 . These referendums were but some of the recent cases of votes on independence, which have been described as a new wave of separatism. From one perspective, these votes can be seen as democratically legitimate
FAD4 10/17/2002 5:43 PM Page 53 4 From ethnic to legal and economic separatism Federalism and the ‘parade of sovereignties’ With a population of 145 million citizens the Russian Federation is one of the most populous and ethnically diverse states in the world. Within its vast territory, which encompasses one-eighth of the world’s land surface, reside 128 officially recognised nations and ethnic groups.1 As we discussed in chapter 2, of the 89 republics and regions that make up the Russian Federation, 32 are based on ethnic criteria; namely, 21 republics, 10
4 Recognition, Multiculturalism and the Allure of Separatism Volker M. Heins In Charles Taylor's seminal writings, the revival of the nineteenth-century concept of ‘recognition’ was closely connected to the birth of ‘multiculturalism’ as a public policy and normative idea. This connection has
This book addresses some of the neglected problems, people and vulnerabilities of the Asia-Pacific region. It talks about emancipation, human security, 'security politics', language and threat-construction. The book is divided into three sections: agents; strategies and contexts; and futures. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. It examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of 'progressive' security discourses and practices. There is focus on the progressive security potential of regional institutions and regionalism has become increasingly prominent in literature on security in the Asia-Pacific. Two common interpretations of the role of epistemic communities in the construction of security are contested: that they are either passive sources of governmental legitimacy, or autonomous agents with the capacity of constructing or creating state interests. The second section reviews strategies and contexts, outlining a range of different sites of insecurity in the region, the ways in which dominant security discourses and practices emerge, and the extent to which such discourses are contested in different contexts. Indonesian government's approach to minority groups and separatism, the issue of civil unrest and human rights abuses in Burma, and the Australian government's attitude towards refugees and asylum-seekers are discussed. The third section deals with security futures, specifically discussing the question of what alternative security discourses and practices might look like. Finally, the book outlines a feminist critical security discourse and examines its applicability to the Asia-Pacific region.
divisions between federal subjects. Indeed, the demands for legal separatism and the development of bilateralism can be seen as logical responses to the constitutional inequalities inherent in the system. The foundations of Russia’s constitutional order The manner by which Russia’s constitutional foundations were laid down have also had a major impact on its transition. As we have seen the foundations of Russia’s constitutional order were born out of conflict and coercion rather than dialogue and consensus. And the Constitution was largely imposed from above on a weak
Bacon 08 3/2/06 10:37 AM Page 177 8 Conclusion Throughout this book we have analysed a number of different aspects of Russia today through the prism of security. Using the securitisation approach developed in the sphere of international relations1 we have considered contemporary Russian domestic policies in relation to Chechen separatism, the media, terrorism, religion, political parties, nationalism, migration, and the economy. Although there are of course connections between these policy areas – some more so than others – each chapter can be read on its
5 • Revolution and reform: 1790s to 1850s From the late 1790s to the early 1850s the Manchester Irish were involved in a variety of political activities, some dedicated to violent separatism, some to peaceful reform, some focused on Ireland, at other times concerned with issues preoccupying British society in general. This meant that they were on occasion torn between a focus on Ireland and its affairs and the appeal of broader issues. This conflict of interest and loyalties was particularly acute during the Chartist campaigns, when at times the potential of a
‘separatism’. 20 Leudegar’s will is, however, almost certainly a later invention which drew on information from the Passio Leudegarii itself, 21 and the connection with Sadalberga’s family is another later fiction. On the other hand, Ansoald may well have been related to Leudegar, for the earlier bishop of Poitiers, Dido, was said to have been the saint’s uncle, and the document which refers to
comes not from female separatism, but from women and men who work and care for children. Martin Dodsworth sees Miss Jenkyns as a feminist whose misguided hostility to men has to be expiated by the Cranford community after her chap 5 20/7/06 58 9:43 am Page 58 Elizabeth Gaskell death. But both Tarratt and Wolfe rightly argue that the novel criticises Miss Jenkyns not for ‘aggressive feminism’ but for perpetuating the ‘“strict code of gentility”’ which governed Cranford ‘whilst Parson Jenkyns [was] still a dominating patriarch’ (Tarratt: 155, 158). ‘Instead of