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Henry A. McGhie

3 Settling down to business W hen Henry Dresser returned home from Texas in October 1864 he found his family’s situation had changed drastically as his father had gone bust in the ‘money panic’ caused by the Civil War.1 His father had liabilities and debts amounting to £157,521 against assets and property worth £99,425; he was owed £68,000 by one firm alone.2 Henry Dresser senior was eventually discharged as a bankrupt in June 1866.3 He had to give up the town house in Westbourne Terrace, the farm and Farnborough Lodge,4 and two London villas (possibly

in Henry Dresser and Victorian ornithology
Abstract only
Masculinity, class and the rite of return in a transnational community
Bruce S. Elliott

worked on short time or by the project. Employment prospects and wages were much better in the lumber woods of Canada and the thriving commercial cities of America, and it was there that the sons went. As the correspondence reveals, the McLeeses were part of a culture within which emigration and return were already well established, 23 and offered a common and acceptable outlet for supernumerary children. In America these rural tradesmen sought the means of ‘settling down’ – material success, respectability, and marriage. Emigration

in Emigrant homecomings
The new Globe’s 2006 Coriolanus
Robert Ormsby

manifested itself so tangibly in the stage action. The director’s concept for the production was not especially novel, but his orthodoxy suited the reviewers quite well because they believed that it appeared to let Shakespeare (more or less) speak for himself. Reaction to the 2006 Coriolanus reveals the critical community following Dromgoole in settling comfortably into the Globe; overlooking past

in Coriolanus
Maureen Kelleher

James Baldwin’s arrest in Paris in December 1949 gave birth to his perfect storm. His ten days in Fresnes jail weakened him physically and emotionally. He made it out, but upon release he was mired in self-doubt and enveloped in a bout of depression. He returned to his hotel, ready to try to get back to his life, however daunting that effort would be. The hotelier’s demand that he settle his bill, and do it quickly, awakened his obsession with suicide. He simply could not handle one more obstacle in his path; he chose to kill himself in his room. Ironically, he saved his life when he jumped off a chair with a sheet around his neck. In a matter of seconds his death wish was replaced by his equally obsessive need to write, witness, think, party, drink, challenge, and love.

James Baldwin Review
Open Access (free)
Food and Identity in His Life and Fiction
Emily Na

This article traces how the queer Black writer James Baldwin’s transnational palate and experiences influenced the ways he wrote about Black domestic spaces in the late twentieth century. In the 1960s and 1970s, while Black feminist cooks and writers like Edna Lewis, Jessica B. Harris, and Vertamae Smart-Grosvenor developed new theories of soul food in relation to the Black American community and broader American cuisine, Baldwin incorporated these philosophies and transnational tastes into his lifestyle and works. He traveled and worked around Europe, settling in places like Paris, Istanbul, and Saint-Paul de Vence for years at a time. In Saint-Paul de Vence, where he spent his last years, he set up his own welcome table, at which he hosted internationally renowned guests and shared his love of cuisine. Inevitably, Baldwin’s passion for cooking and hosting meals became a large, though scholarly neglected, component of his novels and essays. In his novels Another Country, which he finished in Istanbul and published in 1962, and Just Above My Head, which he finished in Saint-Paul de Vence and published in 1979, Baldwin’s depictions of food and Black kitchens take a queer turn. Instead of lingering on traditional Black family structures, these texts specifically present new formulations of intimate home life and reimagine relationships between food, kitchens, race, and sex in the late twentieth century.

James Baldwin Review
Open Access (free)
Writing about Personal Experiences of Humanitarianism
Róisín Read
Tony Redmond
, and
Gareth Owen

friends? TR: I didn’t want to cause unnecessary hurt or pain to people, even those who I may have felt had acted badly. I held back as much as was reasonable on any personal criticisms and only referred to factual events, allowing the reader to draw their own conclusions. One passage though drew comments from the editor that I was settling old scores. I had a discussion with them about it, as what I was describing was exactly what had happened – and I had documentary proof that it had happened. The passage stayed in. In general, if I was to make personal remarks

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Arjun Claire

military intervention in the 1990s, most notably in Somalia, Bosnia and Rwanda, eventually settling for an evidence-driven témoignage, which sought to promote change through reasoned arguments shored by medical data. Despite its limitations, témoignage managed to combine reason and emotion at different stages of its evolutions, although it rarely managed to achieve a balance between the two. It was partly so because it got caught between emotion

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War
Xavier Crombé
Joanna Kuper

which the rebel leader obtains a government or army post and his followers are enrolled in the SPLA. … The logic of the mutineers is to organise enough force to compel the government to bargain, and the logic of the government is to use enough punitive force to compel the rebels to settle for a lower price. As remarked by a local chief, ‘We understand this government, it listens better to people doing bad things.’ ( Ibid .: 361

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The Law and Politics of Responding to Attacks against Aid Workers
Julia Brooks
Rob Grace

Introduction ‘ I remember [years ago] being in a refugee camp in Syria, and when there were demonstrations and people picked up sticks and were throwing stones, and we were like, ‘Alright, that’s it, we’re withdrawing until they settle down.’ We withdrew for two days until they came and apologised and then we went back in again. Sticks and stones are a piece of cake compared to what we face now. ’ 1 Relayed by a humanitarian worker interviewed for this article, the quote paints a vivid portrait of the way that many humanitarians view the shifting nature

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Bert Ingelaere

-cultural universe, ubwenge is – locally and traditionally – considered to be a value. Ubwenge characterises the effectual truth at play in the gacaca assemblage. Communications – mostly accusations in the context of gacaca – depended to a great extent on their usefulness and were not necessarily aimed at serving justice. These communications were animated by a consequentialist ethics: what is true or just is that which has the most favourable outcomes in the given circumstances. Corruption, score-settling, the search for profit, blaming the dead and the absent, and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs