The operation of the British model of imperialism was never consistent, seldom coherent, and far from comprehensive. Purity campaigns, controversies about the age of consent, the regulation of prostitution and passage and repeal of contagious diseases laws, as well as a new legislative awareness of homosexuality, were all part of the sexual currency of the late Victorian age. Colonial governments, institutions and companies recognised that in many ways the effective operation of the Empire depended upon sexual arrangements. They devised elaborate systems of sexual governance, but also devoted disproportionate energy to marking and policing the sexual margins. This book not only investigates controversies surrounding prostitution, homosexuality and the age of consent in the British Empire, but also revolutionises people's notions about the importance of sex as a nexus of imperial power relations. The derivative hypothesis, which reads colonial sexuality politics as something England did or gave to its colonies, is illustrated and made explicit by the Indian Spectator, which seemed simply to accept that India should follow English precedent. In 1885, the South Australian parliament passed legislation, similar to England's Criminal Law Amendment Act, which raised the age of consent from 13 to 16 and introduced a series of restrictions and regulations on sexual conduct. Richard Francis Burton's case against the moral universalism and sex between men are discussed. 'Cognitively mapping' sexuality politics, the book has traced connections between people, places and politics, exploring both their dangers and opportunities, which revolve in each case around embroilments in global power.
approached the structure of
indecent assault. Thus, it became the ultimate tool for repression
of all “bad sex” qualified as such just by being visible. Consent or
lack of consent, which was characteristic of other moral offenses,
had been set aside in favour of the purely spatial logic of Article
330. When the visible world as a whole was considered potentially public, any consensual (or nonconsensual) sexualconduct
could become the subject of a conviction for contempt of public
But, just as unexpectedly, the extension of Article 330 to private spaces had
Le Bone Florence of Rome and bourgeois self-making
are part of a public discourse of female respectability in the fifteenth
century. The family is represented as united around this issue: the
sexualconduct and good name of its female members. And in this
198 Felicity Riddy
strongly ideological representation, it is the daughter who is made to
speak these words: her aspirations are represented as not only hers but
also her family’s and those of her social group. The hope is, perhaps,
that she will grow up to be like the ‘honesta mulier’ (‘honourable
Australian activists on the age of consent and prostitution
legislation, similar to
England’s Criminal Law Amendment Act, which raised the age of consent from 13 to 16 and
introduced a series of other restrictions and regulations on sexualconduct. The events
leading up to the enactment of this legislation had begun five years earlier. A paper
entitled ‘Our duty as to public morals’ was read at the Annual Meeting of the
Congregational Union (April 22, 1880), which appointed a committee to examine the state of
public morality in the colony. The investigation did not get off the ground, but
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
Anthropology after Gluckman places the intimate circle around Max Gluckman, his Manchester School, in the vanguard of modern social anthropology. The book discloses the School’s intense, argument-rich collaborations, developing beyond an original focus in south and central Africa. Where outsiders have seen dominating leadership by Gluckman, a common stock of problems, and much about conflict, Richard Werbner highlights how insiders were drawn to explore many new frontiers in fieldwork and in-depth, reflexive ethnography, because they themselves, in class and gender, ethnicity and national origins, were remarkably inclusive. Characteristically different anthropologists, their careers met the challenges of being a public intellectual, an international celebrity, an institutional good citizen, a social and political activist, an advocate of legal justice. Their living legacies are shown, for the first time, through interlinked social biography and intellectual history to reach broadly across politics, law, ritual, semiotics, development studies, comparative urbanism, social network analysis and mathematical sociology. Innovation – in research methods and techniques, in documenting people’s changing praxis and social relations, in comparative analysis and a destabilizing strategy of re-analysis within ethnography – became the School’s hallmark. Much of this exploration confronted troubling times in Africa, colonial and postcolonial, which put the anthropologists and their anthropological knowledge at risk. The resurgence of debate about decolonization makes the accounts of fierce, End of Empire argument and recent postcolonial anthropology all the more topical. The lessons, even in activism, for social scientists, teachers as well as graduate and undergraduate students are compelling for our own troubled times.
people unable or unwilling to keep them for moral or economic reasons or
both, by allowing the concealment of illegitimate births and protecting the anonymity
of the parents, they hoped to reduce one of the most horrendous crimes, infanticide
without baptism. Soul-saving apart, they hoped to serve society by salvaging both the
honour of young women whose reputations and marriage prospects would have been
ruined and the honour of the families duty bound to watch over their sexualconduct.
Arguably, in neither field did public policies actually reduce harm or evil. They
performance of specific roles, each of which was defined by a particular code of moral and especially sexualconduct. This discourse, as Moore rightly suggests, underlies the entire transformation of European society during this period. 19
The papacy, at least from the middle part of the eleventh century, took a prominent part in these developments, but its initiatives owed much to earlier social, political and religious change as well as the actions of local religious authorities. The anachronistic focus of many historians solely on the reform papacy, and especially the
, Brigham Young University, 1988), p. 166.
22 Carolyn Conley, ‘No pedestals: women and violence in late nineteenth-century Ireland’, Journal of Social History 28: 4 (1995), p. 801.
23 Inglis, Moral Monopoly.
24 Una Crowley and Rob Kitchin, ‘Producing “decent girls”:
governmentality and the moral geographies of sexualconduct in
Ireland (1922–1937)’, Gender, Place, and Culture 15: 4 (August
2008), pp. 355–72; James M. Smith, Ireland’s Magdalen Laundries
and the Nation’s Architecture of Containment (South Bend, IN: Notre
Dame Press, 2007).
, sexualconduct outside
it, and other such crimes as ‘absurd and filthye languishe’ among the ranks of the fellowship
and their apprentices could bring the whole organisation into disrepute, although it is
impossible to gauge how successful the Adventurers were in policing illicit behaviour. The
York Merchant Adventurers took a more relaxed approach to the behaviour of their
apprentices and brethren.While they were keen to stamp out ‘dicyinge, carding, mummynge
or any other unlawful games, whereby he doth waist and imbasell his masters goodes’,
sexual impropriety is not