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Edward Legon

Chapter 5 Sharing seditious memories N ot all audiences were hostile to seditious memories. To assume so would be to presuppose the isolation of those who sympathised with Parliament and the Republic. In this chapter, I focus on expectations of a more favourable reception of seditious memories, highlighting thereby moments at which consensus was sought, and sometimes reached, about opposition and resistance in the 1640s and 1650s. Such an analysis entails examining the context and content of seditious and treasonable language to show that speakers or authors

in Revolution remembered
Hardware or software?
Terry Macintyre

Chapter 2 Nuclear sharing in NATO: hardware or software? T he question of nuclear sharing within NATO was one of the more seemingly intractable problems confronting Harold Wilson and the in-coming Labour government. The solution that commanded the field in October 1964, having been advanced some four years ­earlier by the United States as a counter to the increasing number of Soviet medium-range ballistic missiles (MRBMs) capable of striking at NATO bases, and as tangible evidence of its commitment to the defence of Western Europe, was for a NATO multilateral

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70
Robin Wilson

Northern Ireland Secretary took the brief. In his memoirs, Whitelaw ( 1989 : 78) observed: ‘Of course, with his clear and logical brain, Reggie Maudling found the Irish mentality almost impossible to understand.’ And after the power-sharing initiative had failed, the CPRS report mentioned in Chapter 2 argued that ‘the hatred between the communities’ was such that there was ‘no

in The Northern Ireland experience of conflict and agreement
Robin Wilson

Introduction In 1974 power-sharing governance had a consociationalist inflection, though the coalition was not ‘grand’ and the mutual vetoes were implicit. Yet its failure was paradoxically to lead to the ultimate adoption in 1998 of a more robustly consociationalist scheme, with the Executive Committee ‘inclusive’ and communal designation undergirding the

in The Northern Ireland experience of conflict and agreement
The relational character of subcultural ideology in the case ofCzech punks and skinheads
Hedvika Novotná and Martin Heřmanský

9 Shared enemies, shared friends: the relational character of subcultural ideology in the case of Czech punks and skinheads ˘ Hedvika Novotná and Martin Hermanský Punk in Czechoslovakia began to form prior to 1989, in a society substantially removed from that in which it had first been born. In other words, punk was imported into a Czechoslovakian society that was determined by a political system that claimed to be socialistic, was aligned to the idea of communism, and whose primary characteristics (regardless of the name) were built on repression, fear and

in Fight back
Dominic Bryan, S. J. Connolly, and John Nagle

of irony, the outward symbols of the conflict such as murals and interface walls became part of the tourist package. 3 These new places, and renovated old places, have something in common. They have developed in the era of the peace process where the balance of political power has shifted and government policies reflect ideas of human rights, equality, ‘parity of esteem’, ‘good relations’ and ‘shared space’. Many of the venues established rules which control the displays of flags or the wearing of sports shirts likely to define an area in

in Civic identity and public space
S.C. Aveyard

2 The collapse of power-sharing The electorate’s endorsement of the anti-Sunningdale UUUC at the February general election and the high level of bombings and shootings by the PIRA undermined the moderate political parties in Northern Ireland. During the first three months of the Labour government Merlyn Rees tried to bolster the Northern Ireland Executive while conducting a reappraisal of security policy in line with Labour’s criticisms in opposition. After the Ulster Workers’ Council (UWC) strike in May 1974 led to the collapse of power-sharing, both Rees

in No solution
The conundrum for the SDLP in Northern Ireland
Sarah Campbell

9 Power sharing and the Irish dimension: the conundrum for the SDLP in Northern Ireland Sarah Campbell Seamus Mallon, then deputy leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) famously remarked in 1998 that the Good Friday Agreement was ‘Sunningdale for slow learners’. With this comment, Mallon was reinforcing a teleological narrative of the SDLP’s history and contribution to nationalism in Northern Ireland: that the central tenets of the SDLP’s founding philosophy – power sharing with the provision of an Irish dimension – had been vindicated. Writing

in Sunningdale, the Ulster Workers’ Council strike and the struggle for democracy in Northern Ireland
Martin Atherton

4 SuStaining communitieS through Shared leiSure and Sport It is clear that deaf clubs played a central role in helping to sustain and reinforce notions of identity amongst deaf people. This was of particular importance in helping to establish and recognise deaf sign language users as members of a distinct social, cultural and linguistic community. The way in which this expression of culture and identity manifested itself and was shared more widely through the pages of British Deaf News will be described in detail in subsequent chapters. At this stage, it is

in Deafness, community and culture in Britain
Abstract only
Jill Fitzgerald

verbal performances share striking similarities with both Anglo-Saxon protective charms and wisdom literature, genres that reveal a marked interest in uncovering the ultimate origin of a thing. Peter Dendle’s incisive work on early medieval demonology has shown that Anglo-Saxons viewed the fall of the angels narrative as a historical event impacting the present with the devil figured as a concrete participant. 16 These poems reveal that the fall of the angels operates as a site of sacred import in Old English hagiographical poems; when saints recite the fall of the

in Rebel angels