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Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
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Necessity, public law and the common law emergency in the Case of Ship Money
David Chan Smith

Contemporaries likened the Case of Ship Money (1637) to a great fire consuming a neighbourhood. 1 The alarm was certainly widely felt. To opponents of ship money, a levy imposed by the king, an unfavourable decision threatened the security of their property. Supporters, in contrast, saw an opportunity to confirm royal authority to act at times of public necessity without seeking Parliamentary approval. Historians have interpreted these differences as evidence of a fundamental disagreement about the constitution in Caroline society. 2 Curiously, however, the

in Revolutionising politics
Culture and conflict in England, 1620–60

Twelve friends of the late Mark Kishlansky reconsider the meanings of England’s mid-seventeenth-century revolution. Their essays range widely: from shipboard to urban conflicts; from court sermons to local finances; from debates over hairstyles to debates over the meanings of regicide; from courtrooms to pamphlet wars; and from religious rights to human rights. Taken together, these essays indicate how we might improve our understanding of a turbulent epoch in political history by approaching it more modestly and quietly than historians of recent decades have often done.

Richard Cust and Peter Lake

4 Cheshire politics in the 1620s and 1630s RESPONSES TO CROWN DEMANDS T he levies exacted under the royal prerogative were the main flashpoints in early Stuart government. In many ways they can be taken to define the relations between the centre and the localities, perhaps even the Caroline regime and the political nation, during the late 1620s and 1630s. In county after county the forced loan, distraint of knighthood, ship money and the exactions associated with the lieutenancy led to opposition and obstructionism on the part of local taxpayers. But this was

in Gentry culture and the politics of religion
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Richard Cust and Peter Lake

local politics. Savage’s use of his connections and clout in both arenas lay at the heart of the relative success of the forced loan in Cheshire; and Aston operated in similar fashion to pursue the interests of the county in its disputes with the city of Chester, while using the local 224 CUST & LAKE_9781526124654_PRINT.indd 224 02/06/2020 07:46 Part II conclusion influence gleaned from the success of those efforts to enhance the success of ship money, and his own local standing, in the county. Aston may have overreached in the end, but in putting various

in Gentry culture and the politics of religion
Cheshire on the eve of civil war
Authors: Richard Cust and Peter Lake

This book aims to revisit the county study as a way into understanding the dynamics of the English civil war during the 1640s. It explores gentry culture and the extent to which early Stuart Cheshire could be said to be a ‘county community’. It investigates the responses of the county’s governing elite and puritan religious establishment to highly polarising interventions by the central government and Laudian ecclesiastical authorities during Charles I’s Personal Rule. The second half of the book provides a rich and detailed analysis of the petitioning movements and side-taking in Cheshire during 1641-42. This important contribution to understanding the local origins and outbreak of civil war in England will be of interest to all students and scholars studying the English Revolution.

Westminster, 1640–42
J. F. Merritt

money, Westminster complained over its rating, and St Margaret’s employed the services of John Glynne – soon to become a famous parliamentarian lawyer – in advising ‘the town’ on the matter. Glynne may have helped to prompt eight letters from the parish to the privy council asking for the abatement of their ship money assessments.14 But the parish’s objections were concentrated more on the timing of the levy for the locality, troubled as it was with the escalating costs of plague and poor relief, rather than on challenging the legitimacy of ship money itself.15 The

in Westminster 1640–60
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Neil Younger

dissonance between what the centre demanded and what was carried out in the localities; the council demanded compliance on their terms, but local elites chose to provide it on theirs. This was particularly evident in responses to militia policy, which were clearly guided by local assessments of the threat. Local officials cooperated on their own terms, and perhaps as much for their own reasons as for service to the state. They also demanded respect for the proper forms, as the ship money affair showed. They were not mindless servants – the council had to persuade. This was

in War and politics in the Elizabethan counties
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David Brown

religion, secretly recruited a Catholic Irish army under Randal MacDonnell, the earl of Antrim, to invade western Scotland. 2 To pacify his subjects in Scotland, Charles realised that he would need a far larger army. He could not pay for one without raising taxes and he had very few options short of summoning a parliament at Westminster. The Short Parliament met on 13 April 1640 but was flooded with grievances against the king’s recent conduct. Parliament stalled over the hated ship money tax and failed to create legislation to raise money for a campaign in Scotland. By

in Empire and enterprise
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Lieutenancy finance
Neil Younger

and Norfolk compounded reluctantly and late. As a rough guide, Norfolk seems to have paid roughly £600–700 per year, 204 The costs of war: Lieutenancy finance and Kent around £2,000; Cheshire was very lightly charged.11 Ship money (the costs of ships provided from the ports or counties for defence in invasion scares or for overseas expeditions) is also omitted. This was not strictly a lieutenancy matter, but in some years added very considerable extra burdens to local economies. The main focus of this section, however, is the finances of the lieutenancies

in War and politics in the Elizabethan counties