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A sociological analysis of movement anarchism

The black flag means negation, anger, outrage, mourning, beauty, hope, and the fostering and sheltering of new forms of human life and relationship on and with the earth. This book aims to destroy many of the assumptions and stereotypes about anarchism, anarchists, and anarchist movements. It introduces Mario Diani's definition of a social movement: networks of individuals and organizations, united by some shared identity, that engage in extra-institutional action with the interest of changing society. Social movements must be composed of individuals. The book provides new insights into individual participants in anarchist movements by investigating what the micro-level characteristics of contemporary anarchists are, and how these characteristics differ from those of anarchists in past movements. The anarchist movement can be interrogated from many vantage points (especially macro- and meso-analyses), in both longitudinal and cross-sectional contexts. The book explores the usefulness (or lack thereof) of social movement theories for understanding anarchist movements. It challenges the assumption that the state is a strategic location of opportunity from the perspective of radical, anti-state movements. The essential dimensions of "new social movement" (NSM) theories are discussed, with highlights on the differences between the contemporary anarchist movement and other NSMs. The book also explores ideas from major social capital theorists, and considers the value of social capital. Whereas most sociological research on anti-authoritarian diffusion and isomorphism has focused on mainstream organizations or reformist social movements, anarchist movements pose a particular challenge to the earlier findings focused on the non-anarchists.

Author: Ebun Joseph

With race as a central theme, this book presents racial stratification as the underlying system which accounts for the difference in outcomes of Whites and Blacks in the labour market. Critical race theory (CRT) is employed to discuss the operation, research, maintenance and impact of racial stratification. The power of this book is the innovative use of a stratification framework to expose the pervasiveness of racial inequality in the labour market. It teaches readers how to use CRT to investigate the racial hierarchy and it provides a replicable framework to identify the racial order based on insight from the Irish case. There is a four-stage framework in the book which helps readers understand how migrants navigate the labour market from the point of migration to labour participation. The book also highlights minority agency and how migrants respond to their marginality. The examples of how social acceptance can be applied in managing difference in the workplace are an added bonus for those interested in diversity and inclusion. This book is the first of its kind in Ireland and across Europe to present inequality, racism and discrimination in the labour market from a racial stratification perspective. While this book is based on Irish data, the CRT theoretical approach, as well as its insight into migrant perspectives, poses a strong appeal to scholars of sociology, social justice, politics, intercultural communication and economics with interest in race and ethnicity, critical whiteness and migration. It is a timely contribution to CRT which offers scholars a method to conduct empirical study of racial stratification across different countries bypassing the over-reliance on secondary data. It will also appeal to countries and scholars examining causal racism and how it shapes racial inequality.

Dana M. Williams

others). In reality, this is far from true. Anarchists prefer to work on projects, in groups, or within relationships where their participation (and everyone else’s) is voluntary, not coerced, and where the power relations are equally balanced and power is not monopolized by a small group of people (Ehrlich 1996; Graeber 2009; Milstein 2010; Shantz 2010; Ward 1996). This is not only possible, but is the standard operating procedure in anarchist movements. The social phenomenon at the crux of this conception of organization is social capital. Social capital theory has

in Black flags and social movements
How migrants change their place on the labour supply chain
Ebun Joseph

other favouritism ‘through the hoarding and exchange of social capital’. Indeed, Bonilla-Silva and Baiocchi (2008: 146) insist that explaining differential outcomes without taking into cognisance the social context and structural inequalities which operate along racial lines, is to ‘seriously minimise the impact of racism’. They further argue that there is a ‘missing link in the social capital theory’ because in a racialised society, social networks and norms of social behaviour are often mobilised to defend racial exclusion.18 The higher unemployment rate of Africans

in Critical race theory and inequality in the labour market
Dana M. Williams

, like risks, scale, strategy, and timing of movements. In subsequent chapters I more intensively apply social movement theories to anarchist movements, specifically political opportunity, new social movements, and social capital theories (Chapters 5, 6, and 7). An appropriate orientation is taken toward 84 PART II: THEORETICAL INTERPRETATION developing “better theories”: conserving and improving what is good (of both American and European scholarly origin), and building better theories in response to currently unaddressed concerns. Finally, this chapter explores

in Black flags and social movements
Abstract only
Carina Gunnarson

interaction pattern between students and their ­ teachers affect students’ development of generalised trust? We have also borrowed and adapted explanations from the literature on social capital theory. One of these factors is the fairness of institutions. Does it matter if school is perceived as just and fair by students? Emotional engagement, flexibility and adaptation to the situation (what has been called ‘the logic of care’ – see Chapter 8) are other factors that may have an impact on general­ised trust. If the school environment is caring, does that have any effect on

in Cultural warfare and trust
Hanna Bäck, Carina Gunnarson and Magdalena Inkinen

studies on social capital. Theories have focused on factors such as the design of public institutions, for example the government and administration, or on the universality of welfare systems.2 The relevance of education for trust is generally acknowledged in the literature.3 Education is by far the most important predictor to civic engage­ ment; as Putnam argues, ‘highly educated people are much more likely to be joiners and trusters’.4 Still, there has been little research on school as a builder of generalised trust. It is highly plausible that schools do have a

in Cultural warfare and trust
Abstract only
Radical education, past and present
Jessica Gerrard

. Gewirtz, D. Halpin and M. Dickson, ‘Paving a “third way”? A policy trajectory analysis of Education Action Zones’, Research Papers in Education, 19:4 (2004), 453–75; S. Gewirtz, M. Dickson, S. Power, D. Halpin and G. Whitty, ‘The deployment of social capital theory in educational policy and provision: the case of Education Action Zones in England’, British Educational Research Journal, 31:6 (2005), 651–73. 20 D. Reay, ‘Gendering Bourdieu’s concepts of capitals? Emotional capital, women and social class’, in L. Adkins and B. Skeggs (eds), Feminism after Bourdieu (Oxford

in Radical childhoods
Martin Upchurch and Darko Marinković

perceived necessary social networks vital to democratic civil society (World Bank, 2005b). Central to this approach has been social capital theory. Fukuyama, for example, when addressing an IMF seminar on the reforms, suggested that ‘the economic function of social capital is to reduce the transaction costs associated with formal coordination mechanisms like contracts, hierarchies, bureaucratic rules, and the like’ (Fukuyama, 1999). The phraseology suggests that the second generation of reforms is seen as a developmental tool set within a Weberian framework of state and

in Workers and revolution in Serbia
Jenny Pickerill

involvement in mundane volunteer groups such as ‘bird-watching societies and soccer clubs leads to a high level of civic engagement, democratic politics and high-quality government performance’ (Levi 1996: 47–8).2 Such interpretations of social capital theory do attempt to resolve the traditional understandings of the ‘dilemma of collective action’ that questions why individuals would invest in group activity which might not immediately benefit them, using an economic understanding of rewards received. In contrast, social movement perspectives of participation are centred

in Cyberprotest