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A sociological analysis of movement anarchism

The black flag means negation, anger, outrage, mourning, beauty, hope, and the fostering and sheltering of new forms of human life and relationship on and with the earth. This book aims to destroy many of the assumptions and stereotypes about anarchism, anarchists, and anarchist movements. It introduces Mario Diani's definition of a social movement: networks of individuals and organizations, united by some shared identity, that engage in extra-institutional action with the interest of changing society. Social movements must be composed of individuals. The book provides new insights into individual participants in anarchist movements by investigating what the micro-level characteristics of contemporary anarchists are, and how these characteristics differ from those of anarchists in past movements. The anarchist movement can be interrogated from many vantage points (especially macro- and meso-analyses), in both longitudinal and cross-sectional contexts. The book explores the usefulness (or lack thereof) of social movement theories for understanding anarchist movements. It challenges the assumption that the state is a strategic location of opportunity from the perspective of radical, anti-state movements. The essential dimensions of "new social movement" (NSM) theories are discussed, with highlights on the differences between the contemporary anarchist movement and other NSMs. The book also explores ideas from major social capital theorists, and considers the value of social capital. Whereas most sociological research on anti-authoritarian diffusion and isomorphism has focused on mainstream organizations or reformist social movements, anarchist movements pose a particular challenge to the earlier findings focused on the non-anarchists.

others). In reality, this is far from true. Anarchists prefer to work on projects, in groups, or within relationships where their participation (and everyone else’s) is voluntary, not coerced, and where the power relations are equally balanced and power is not monopolized by a small group of people (Ehrlich 1996; Graeber 2009; Milstein 2010; Shantz 2010; Ward 1996). This is not only possible, but is the standard operating procedure in anarchist movements. The social phenomenon at the crux of this conception of organization is social capital. Social capital theory has

in Black flags and social movements

, like risks, scale, strategy, and timing of movements. In subsequent chapters I more intensively apply social movement theories to anarchist movements, specifically political opportunity, new social movements, and social capital theories (Chapters 5, 6, and 7). An appropriate orientation is taken toward 84 PART II: THEORETICAL INTERPRETATION developing “better theories”: conserving and improving what is good (of both American and European scholarly origin), and building better theories in response to currently unaddressed concerns. Finally, this chapter explores

in Black flags and social movements
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interaction pattern between students and their ­ teachers affect students’ development of generalised trust? We have also borrowed and adapted explanations from the literature on social capital theory. One of these factors is the fairness of institutions. Does it matter if school is perceived as just and fair by students? Emotional engagement, flexibility and adaptation to the situation (what has been called ‘the logic of care’ – see Chapter 8) are other factors that may have an impact on general­ised trust. If the school environment is caring, does that have any effect on

in Cultural warfare and trust

studies on social capital. Theories have focused on factors such as the design of public institutions, for example the government and administration, or on the universality of welfare systems.2 The relevance of education for trust is generally acknowledged in the literature.3 Education is by far the most important predictor to civic engage­ ment; as Putnam argues, ‘highly educated people are much more likely to be joiners and trusters’.4 Still, there has been little research on school as a builder of generalised trust. It is highly plausible that schools do have a

in Cultural warfare and trust
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Radical education, past and present

. Gewirtz, D. Halpin and M. Dickson, ‘Paving a “third way”? A policy trajectory analysis of Education Action Zones’, Research Papers in Education, 19:4 (2004), 453–75; S. Gewirtz, M. Dickson, S. Power, D. Halpin and G. Whitty, ‘The deployment of social capital theory in educational policy and provision: the case of Education Action Zones in England’, British Educational Research Journal, 31:6 (2005), 651–73. 20 D. Reay, ‘Gendering Bourdieu’s concepts of capitals? Emotional capital, women and social class’, in L. Adkins and B. Skeggs (eds), Feminism after Bourdieu (Oxford

in Radical childhoods

perceived necessary social networks vital to democratic civil society (World Bank, 2005b). Central to this approach has been social capital theory. Fukuyama, for example, when addressing an IMF seminar on the reforms, suggested that ‘the economic function of social capital is to reduce the transaction costs associated with formal coordination mechanisms like contracts, hierarchies, bureaucratic rules, and the like’ (Fukuyama, 1999). The phraseology suggests that the second generation of reforms is seen as a developmental tool set within a Weberian framework of state and

in Workers and revolution in Serbia

involvement in mundane volunteer groups such as ‘bird-watching societies and soccer clubs leads to a high level of civic engagement, democratic politics and high-quality government performance’ (Levi 1996: 47–8).2 Such interpretations of social capital theory do attempt to resolve the traditional understandings of the ‘dilemma of collective action’ that questions why individuals would invest in group activity which might not immediately benefit them, using an economic understanding of rewards received. In contrast, social movement perspectives of participation are centred

in Cyberprotest