Epistemology should be the axe that breaks the ice of a traditionalism that covers and obstructs scientific enlightenment. This book explores the arguments between critical theory and epistemology in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Focusing on the first and second generations of critical theorists and Luhmann's systems theory, it examines how each approaches epistemology. The book offers a critique of the Kantian base of critical theory's epistemology in conjunction with the latter's endeavour to define political potential through the social function of science. The concept of dialectics is explored as the negation of the irrational and, furthermore, as the open field of epistemological conflict between rationality and irrationality. The book traces the course of arguments that begin with Dilthey's philosophy of a rigorous science, develop with Husserl's phenomenology, Simmel's and Weber's interest in the scientific element within the social concerns of scientific advance. In structuralism, the fear of dialogue prevails. The book discusses the epistemological thought of Pierre Bourdieu and Gilles Deleuze in terms of their persistence in constructing an epistemological understanding of social practice free from the burdens of dialectics, reason and rationality. It also enquires into issues of normativity and modernity within a comparative perspective on modernism, postmodernism and critical theory. Whether in relation to communication deriving from the threefold schema of utterance- information- understanding or in relation to self- reflexivity, systems theory fails to define the bearer or the actor of the previous structural processes. Critical realism attempted to ground dialectics in realism.
to massive and unregulated
profit-taking from land speculation along new routes. In spite of major socialconcerns about urban traffic congestion and national debates regarding the inefficient railway service during its development, notably to the West of Ireland,
the motorway was enrolled into a state-building project. The motorway reflected the very particular strategies of the Irish State that sought to hold ideas of
Mobility, space and consumption
Figure 5.1 Roma camp beside M50 roundabout, Dublin 2007
nation and global together in a context shaped by
. Other damaging aspects are the
unremittingly negative media coverage surrounding dissident groups, which
are uniformly portrayed as fixated with violence (the legacy of Omagh remains
strong) and as a blight upon communities (although dissidents also of course live
within those communities). Dissidents are seen as out of time and out of step
with political transition.
Where dissidents may be able to register an impact is on localised issues such
as prisoner campaigns, parades, anti-socialconcerns, historical lineage and lack
of economic progress. Therefore, whilst
life” with heroin.’ 2 As a Reuters journalist told a New Zealand audience, ‘Trainspotters occupy a unique place in British society, the butt of jokes, abuse and,
ultimately, socialconcern.’ 3 How did things come to this pass?
As so often, etymology is a good place to start. The OED tells us that train
spotting is a hobby; and that a hobby may be a bird of prey, a morris-dance
character, a children’s toy or a prostitute. One hopes that none of these
is relevant here. That leaves just two other definitions: a hobby as ‘a foolish
person, jester, buffoon,’ and
Gandhi (1982), A Chorus Line (1985) and Cry Freedom (1987)
journalist, while living under the regime in South Africa. The
film made a significant contribution to raising global public awareness of the realities of the apartheid regime of the time. Sandwiched
between the two political portrayals, Attenborough directed his second
American production, A Chorus Line, a musical adaptation of the stage
play, which focused on contemporary racial and socialconcerns in
Attenborough’s career was affected by significant changes occurring within the British cinema at the end of the 1970s. The dominance
of Hollywood films saw a
within the SDP and in its relations with its Liberal allies. For instead of pursuing what Jo Grimond had called ‘that old political nirvana’ of the middle ground, Owen favoured a more radical and unorthodox approach. ‘If we could simultaneously break right on the market and left on social policy’, he later wrote, then, he believed, his Party ‘could find an electorally attractive mix’. 5 In practice, that would involve a combination of market realism and socialconcern which would differentiate the SDP, and the Alliance, both from the state collectivism of the Labour
This chapter provides an analysis of race and BBC television policy with a discussion of early Black images on BBC television, and the decisions that led to their appearances. This includes icons such as African-Americans Elisabeth Welch and Adelaide Hall, as compared to West Indian performers Edric Connor, Boscoe Holder and others. Efforts undertaken by the service to educate further audiences on racial issues as a social concern included the first television talks regarding the scientific origins of race, and subsequent audience surveys. Heading the effort were former radio producers Grace Wyndham Goldie and Mary Adams. In turn, Goldie, serving as Assistant Head of Talks, helped to develop the first television programme of its kind, race and colour. The teleplay examined the experiences of newly arrived West Indian immigrants from ‘their’ perspectives but was transmitted to mixed reviews, this time from West Indian audiences. As the BBC continued to consider how television could assist West Indian communities in their efforts to assimilate, the service began to document the appearance of African-Caribbeans within BBC programming, a response to criticisms about stereotyping and limited portrayals. television policy; Black images; racial issues; social concern; audience surveys; stereotyping
This is the first book-length study of one of the most significant of all British television writers, Jimmy McGovern. The book provides comprehensive coverage of all his work for television including early writing on Brookside, major documentary dramas such as Hillsborough and Sunday and more recent series such as The Street and Accused. Whilst the book is firmly focused on McGovern’s own work, the range of his output over the period in which he has been working also provides something of an overview of the radical changes in television drama commissioning that have taken place during this time. Without compromising his deeply-held convictions McGovern has managed to adapt to an ever changing environment, often using his position as a sought-after writer to defy industry trends. The book also challenges the notion of McGovern as an uncomplicated social realist in stylistic terms. Looking particularly at his later work, a case is made for McGovern employing a greater range of narrative approaches, albeit subtly and within boundaries that allow him to continue to write for large popular audiences. Finally it is worth pointing to the book’s examination of McGovern’s role in recent years as a mentor to new voices, frequently acting as a creative producer on series that he part-writes and part brings through different less-experienced names.
This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.