This book examines how the conflict affects people's daily behaviour in reinforcing sectarian or ghettoised notions and norms. It also examines whether and to what extent everyday life became normalised in the decade after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. The book outlines how sectarianism and segregation are sustained and extended through the routine and mundane decisions that people make in their everyday lives. It explores the role of integrated education in breaking down residual sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The book examines the potential of the non-statutory Shared Education Programme (SEP) for fostering greater and more meaningful contact between pupils across the ethno-religious divide. It then focuses on women's involvement or women's marginalisation in society and politics. In considering women's political participation post-devolution, mention should be made of activities in the women's sector which created momentum for women's participation prior to the GFA. The book deals with the roles of those outside formal politics who engage in peace-making and everyday politics. It explores the fate of the Northern Irish Civic Forum and the role of section 75 of the 1998 Northern Ireland Act in creating more inclusive policy-making. Finally, the book explains how cross-border trade, shopping and economic development more generally, also employment and access to health services, affect how people navigate ethno-national differences; and how people cope with and seek to move beyond working-class isolation and social segregation.
In 1960–62, a large number of white autochthonous parents in Southall became very concerned that the sudden influx of largely non-Anglophone Indian immigrant children in local schools would hold back their children’s education. It was primarily to placate such fears that ‘dispersal’ (or ‘bussing’) was introduced in areas such as Southall and Bradford, as well as to promote the integration of mostly Asian children. It consisted in sending busloads of immigrant children to predominantly white suburban schools, in an effort to ‘spread the burden’. This form of social engineering went on until the early 1980s. This book, by mobilising local and national archival material as well as interviews with formerly bussed pupils in the 1960s and 1970s, reveals the extent to which dispersal was a flawed policy, mostly because thousands of Asian pupils were faced with racist bullying on the playgrounds of Ealing, Bradford, etc. It also investigates the debate around dispersal and the integration of immigrant children, e.g. by analysing the way some Local Education Authorities (Birmingham, London) refused to introduce bussing. It studies the various forms that dispersal took in the dozen or so LEAs where it operated. Finally, it studies local mobilisations against dispersal by ethnic associations and individuals. It provides an analysis of debates around ‘ghetto schools’, ‘integration’, ‘separation’, ‘segregation’ where quite often the US serves as a cognitive map to make sense of the English situation.
eastern European countries
or the coming of age of environmental and sustainability concerns.
The point remained that despite increasing social tensions, socialsegregation, inequalities, even riots at times, European cities had resources, identities and political legitimacy, scores of new policies and public investment. It
was not appropriate to describe them as dual cities. The prophets of urban
convergence around the Los Angeles or Shanghai model were proven wrong
during that period.
The conclusion of my European Cities book (which only dealt with western
Working-class white women, interracial relationships and colonial ideologies in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Liverpool
Foundation of the Sierra Leone Settlement,
1786–1791 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press,
See various sources cited in Costello, Black
Liverpool , p. 104.
D. Frost, ‘Racism and socialsegregation
Young people in migrant worker families in Ireland
replicated by the UK and Sweden).
Between 2004 and 2007 inclusive, net inward migration to Ireland totalled
more than 225,000, which was equivalent to over 5 per cent of the resident
population (Barrett and Bergin, 2009).
Research from countries with a longer history of immigration, such as the
UK and the USA, has explored issues of immigrants’ experiences of their new
residential locations and the question of socialsegregation (e.g. Ellis, 2001;
Finney and Simpson, 2009; Peach, 1996). Often, this research is working within
what can be called an immigrant incorporation or
; their status was less
equivocal; their control much greater. Even so, fear of being ‘corrupted’ by the
machinations of subordinate collaborators (the same fear that Christopher Munn documents so
convincingly in Hong Kong) was never far from the surface. 2 And the ‘solutions’ adopted in British India were strikingly
similar to those applied in Shanghai or Hong Kong. Communal loyalty was enforced through
residential and socialsegregation as far as possible, and by taboos against intermarriage.
Hyperactive sociability became an
’ main pursuits, with the bequest by the Egyptian
state of lands in Cairo and Alexandria for sporting clubs and free range
of the marshes and desert tracks. Yet, horse racing and polo were known
to the Egyptian elites; tennis and football were readily adopted.
Therefore, the sporting grounds were arenas where British and other
elites (European and Egyptian) met socially. Segregation was not
the triumph of industry and trade. The Rue de Rivoli, for instance,
was not only a strategic thoroughfare against riot but was also a triumphal way to the
future. Completed in 1855, it took visitors from the Louvre to the Great Exhibition on the
Champs Elysées along a line of fine stone buildings, with lavishly lit arcades.
There has been much discussion of the extent to which
‘Haussmannisation’ fostered socialsegregation in Paris. The new type of
immeuble was much more socially homogeneous than the buildings it
pertain, but these cumulatively
suggest the need for holistic thinking about the attributes and rights that
provide the opportunity structure for integration. Chapter 2 examines the
‘nation-building’ role of education in formation and reproduction of national
identity. The education system has long been a crucial domain of cultural
integration in this sense, but it is also, as considered in Chapter 6, a complex
ecology within which socialsegregation can be enforced or contested. Both
Chapter 4 and Chapter 6 consider the risks of the socio-spatial segregation of
The development of Indian identity in 1940s’ Durban
businesses. Many radical Indian
activists went into the 1950s committed to multi-racial political partnerships, the struggle
against socialsegregation and apartheid, and with an emphasis first and foremost on their
African belonging. The language of Indianness began to drift from its moorings – the
notion of India as the ‘motherland’ – and became instead increasingly
inscribed with being Indian the South African way .
They became known by this name because they paid their own