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Political lives of the surplus dead
Nicole Iturriaga
Derek S. Denman

This article sets forth a theoretical framework that first argues that necropolitical power and sovereignty should be understood as existing on a spectrum that ultimately produces the phenomenon of surplus death – such as pandemic deaths or those disappeared by the state. We then expound this framework by juxtaposing the necropolitical negligence of the COVID-19 pandemic with the violence of forced disappearances to argue that the surplus dead have the unique capacity to create political change and reckonings, due to their embodied power and agency. Victims of political killings and disappearance may not seem to have much in common with victims of disease, yet focusing on the mistreatment of the dead in both instances reveals uncanny patterns and similarities. We demonstrate that this overlap, which aligns in key ways that are particularly open to use by social actors, provides an entry to comprehend the agency of the dead to incite political reckonings with the violence of state action and inaction.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Open Access (free)
The processing of remains in Catholic circles
Francesca Sbardella

In the Catholic areas of Europe, the human remains (both their bones and the fabrics they touched) of persons considered to have been exceptional are usually stored for transformation into relics. The production and the reproduction of the object-relic takes place within monasteries and is carried out firstly on the material level. In this article I intend to present in detail, from an anthropological standpoint, the practices used to process such remains, the role of the social actors involved and the political-ecclesiastical dynamics connected with them. Owing to obvious difficulties in accessing enclosed communities, such practices are usually overlooked in historiographical and ethno-anthropological analyses, while they should instead be considered the most important moment in the lengthy process intended to give form and meaning to remains, with a view to their exhibition and use in ritual.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Lisette R. Robles

leaders and service providers from the 2019 JICA-RI field survey, 9 complemented with literature on social capital, help-seeking and GBV. Applying the author’s background knowledge on social capital and disaster-related displacement, she attempts to understand and present the critical roles of the different social actors in a GBV refugee survivor’s network in attaining help. She will theorise the value of social connections in the success or failure of the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Language, politics and counter-terrorism

This book is about the public language of the 'war on terrorism' and the way in which language has been deployed to justify and normalise a global campaign of counter-terrorism. It explains how the war on terrorism has been reproduced and amplified by key social actors and how it has become the dominant political narrative in America today, enjoying widespread bipartisan and popular support. The book also explains why the language of politics is so important and the main methodological approach for analysing the language of counter-terrorism, namely, critical discourse analysis. Then, it provides the comparison drawn between the September 11, 2001 attacks and World War II and the attack on Pearl Harbor. One of the most noticeable aspects of the language surrounding the attacks of September 11, 2001 is its constant reference to tragedy, grievance and the exceptional suffering of the American people. The book focuses on the way in which language was deployed to construct the main identities of the protagonists. It demonstrates how terrorism is rhetorically constructed as posing a catastrophic threat to the American 'way of life', to freedom, liberty and democracy and even to civilisation itself. The book analyses how the administration's counter-terrorism campaign has been rhetorically constructed as an essentially 'good' and 'just war', similar to America's role in World War II. Finally, the book concludes that responsible citizens have a moral duty to oppose and resist the official language of counter-terrorism.

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Power, resistance and identity in twenty-first-century Ireland
Series: Irish Society
Editors: and

This book analyses and critiques Irish society in the early twenty-first century, but seeks to do so by consciously avoiding myth-making and generalisation. It invites readers to revisit and rethink twelve events that span the years 2001-2009. It shows that all of these events reveal crucial intersections of structural power and resistance in contemporary Ireland. The book shows how the events carry traces of both social structure and human agency. They were shaped by overarching political, economic, social and cultural currents; but they were also responses to proposals, protests, advocacy and demands that have been articulated by a broad spectrum of social actors. The book also explores how power works ideologically and through policy instruments to support dominant models of capital accumulation. Identities are constructed at the interface between public policy, collective commitments and individual biographies. They mobilise both power and resistance, as they move beyond the realm of the personal and become focal points for debates about rights, responsibilities, resources and even the borders of the nation itself. The book suggests that conceptions of Irish identity and citizenship are being redrawn in more positive ways. Family is the cornerstone, the natural, primary and fundamental unit group of society. Marriage is the religious, cultural, commercial, and political institution that defines and embeds its values. The book presents a 2004 High Court case taken by Katherine Zappone and Ann Louise Gilligan for legal recognition of their marriage as a same-sex couple, which had taken place a year previously in Canada.

A comparative perspective on El Salvador and Jamaica
Hannes Warnecke- Berger

violence. It is also possible that these actors specialise in a single form of violence (Tilly, 2003 : 35–6). Consequently, I use the definition of form of violence as a ‘specific set of violent practices that a social actor routinely uses to make claims on other social actors’ (Warnecke-Berger, 2018b : 27). This understanding of forms of violence merges an ideational as well as a material component. Forms are

in The spatiality and temporality of urban violence
Ali Rattansi

conditions) (Intimations: ix). The focus of social analysis, he argues, should now be agency, and the concept of society should be replaced by sociality to capture the new ‘dialectical play of randomness and pattern’ (Intimations: 190). Bauman recommends a new sociology of complexity more adequate to what he calls the postmodern ‘habitat’ (Intimations: 191–2), which is characterised by ‘chronic indeterminacy’ and, from the point of view of social actors, ‘rootlessness’. The enhanced reflexivity of social actors in a world of much greater choice and contingency requires a

in Bauman and contemporary sociology
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Reproducing the discourse
Richard Jackson

, appealing and reassuring narrative for Americans which restores the confidence and sense of purpose which was so severely undermined by the terrorist attacks. On another level, political discourses only rise to prominence in this way when other social actors – the media, in particular, but also institutions like universities, churches and foundations – reproduce and amplify the language across the wider

in Writing the war on terrorism
The return of citizenship claims
Marisol García

(Moulaert et al. 2013; Della Porta 2015; Martinelli 2017). I propose an explanation of why social actors emerged outside traditional parties in southern European societies with the aim of restating rights, and shifting the discourse from austerity to social inequalities. The chapter concludes with a brief note on the challenges in scaling up from urban citizenship practices and local politics to the level of effective national coordination of progressive political actors and policies which could promote new social contracts. Cities under economic austerity 177

in Western capitalism in transition
Luis G. Martínez del Campo

different relationship with public opinion through his or her reactions to specific short-term events.1 In the second half of the nineteenth century, the implementation of national education systems in most European countries, the rise of mass society, the modernization of the media and the professionalization of politics promoted the establishment of this new social actor: the intellectual. In the manner of men of letters, they were still spiritual guides of the nation, but they achieved their aims through different practices, using modern strategies, addressing a wider

in Spain in the nineteenth century