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The black flag means negation, anger, outrage, mourning, beauty, hope, and the fostering and sheltering of new forms of human life and relationship on and with the earth. This book aims to destroy many of the assumptions and stereotypes about anarchism, anarchists, and anarchist movements. It introduces Mario Diani's definition of a social movement: networks of individuals and organizations, united by some shared identity, that engage in extra-institutional action with the interest of changing society. Social movements must be composed of individuals. The book provides new insights into individual participants in anarchist movements by investigating what the micro-level characteristics of contemporary anarchists are, and how these characteristics differ from those of anarchists in past movements. The anarchist movement can be interrogated from many vantage points (especially macro- and meso-analyses), in both longitudinal and cross-sectional contexts. The book explores the usefulness (or lack thereof) of social movement theories for understanding anarchist movements. It challenges the assumption that the state is a strategic location of opportunity from the perspective of radical, anti-state movements. The essential dimensions of "new social movement" (NSM) theories are discussed, with highlights on the differences between the contemporary anarchist movement and other NSMs. The book also explores ideas from major social capital theorists, and considers the value of social capital. Whereas most sociological research on anti-authoritarian diffusion and isomorphism has focused on mainstream organizations or reformist social movements, anarchist movements pose a particular challenge to the earlier findings focused on the non-anarchists.
Inclusion has been a key concern for researchers exploring the impact of free schools in England since their introduction in 2010. However, discussions of inclusion have mostly centred on structural issues of social justice and equality, more specifically whether free schools are located in disadvantaged neighbourhoods, whether schools operate fair and inclusive admission policies, and whether parents and children of disadvantaged backgrounds are equally able to access the schools. Not much has been written about what actually happens at the schools in terms of more micro-level day-to-day practices and interactions. This chapter reports on a project carried out at a secondary free school in 2016–2018, using qualitative and ethnographic methods to examine the views and experiences of teachers, school staff, parents and children, particularly in relation to inclusion and children with special educational needs and disabilities (SEND). With reference to social capital theory, the chapter discusses the extent to which the school was able to use its free school status and particular ‘freedoms’ to foster inclusive practice and strategies. The chapter critically considers the free school programme in relation to the inclusion of SEND students, but also explores the possibility that mainstream schools may draw on experiences developed within free schools to strengthen inclusive practices and strategies. The chapter furthermore outlines the main challenges experienced by staff in developing an inclusive school and reflects on some of the difficulties of fostering inclusion within an increasingly competitive and performance based educational system.
others). In reality, this is far from true. Anarchists prefer to work on projects, in groups, or within relationships where their participation (and everyone else’s) is voluntary, not coerced, and where the power relations are equally balanced and power is not monopolized by a small group of people (Ehrlich 1996; Graeber 2009; Milstein 2010; Shantz 2010; Ward 1996). This is not only possible, but is the standard operating procedure in anarchist movements. The social phenomenon at the crux of this conception of organization is social capital. Social capital theory has
With race as a central theme, this book presents racial stratification as the underlying system which accounts for the difference in outcomes of Whites and Blacks in the labour market. Critical race theory (CRT) is employed to discuss the operation, research, maintenance and impact of racial stratification. The power of this book is the innovative use of a stratification framework to expose the pervasiveness of racial inequality in the labour market. It teaches readers how to use CRT to investigate the racial hierarchy and it provides a replicable framework to identify the racial order based on insight from the Irish case. There is a four-stage framework in the book which helps readers understand how migrants navigate the labour market from the point of migration to labour participation. The book also highlights minority agency and how migrants respond to their marginality. The examples of how social acceptance can be applied in managing difference in the workplace are an added bonus for those interested in diversity and inclusion. This book is the first of its kind in Ireland and across Europe to present inequality, racism and discrimination in the labour market from a racial stratification perspective. While this book is based on Irish data, the CRT theoretical approach, as well as its insight into migrant perspectives, poses a strong appeal to scholars of sociology, social justice, politics, intercultural communication and economics with interest in race and ethnicity, critical whiteness and migration. It is a timely contribution to CRT which offers scholars a method to conduct empirical study of racial stratification across different countries bypassing the over-reliance on secondary data. It will also appeal to countries and scholars examining causal racism and how it shapes racial inequality.
other favouritism ‘through the hoarding and exchange of social capital’. Indeed, Bonilla-Silva and Baiocchi (2008: 146) insist that explaining differential outcomes without taking into cognisance the social context and structural inequalities which operate along racial lines, is to ‘seriously minimise the impact of racism’. They further argue that there is a ‘missing link in the social capital theory’ because in a racialised society, social networks and norms of social behaviour are often mobilised to defend racial exclusion.18 The higher unemployment rate of Africans
, like risks, scale, strategy, and timing of movements. In subsequent chapters I more intensively apply social movement theories to anarchist movements, specifically political opportunity, new social movements, and social capital theories (Chapters 5, 6, and 7). An appropriate orientation is taken toward 84 PART II: THEORETICAL INTERPRETATION developing “better theories”: conserving and improving what is good (of both American and European scholarly origin), and building better theories in response to currently unaddressed concerns. Finally, this chapter explores
.nipip.pl/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Raport_druk_2017.pdf . Accessed 9 February 2020. 18 Social capital theory asserts the importance of social relationships, Nan Lin ( 2001 ) Social Capital: A Theory of Social Structure and Action . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press . There is literature on post-industrial areas, Cara Aitchison and Tom Evans ( 2003 ) ‘ The Cultural Industries and a Model of Sustainable Regeneration: Manufacturing “Pop ” in the Rhondda Valleys of South Wales ’, Managing Leisure , 8 : 3 , 133–44 ; David Walsh , Gerry McCartney , Sarah
interaction pattern between students and their teachers affect students’ development of generalised trust? We have also borrowed and adapted explanations from the literature on social capital theory. One of these factors is the fairness of institutions. Does it matter if school is perceived as just and fair by students? Emotional engagement, flexibility and adaptation to the situation (what has been called ‘the logic of care’ – see Chapter 8) are other factors that may have an impact on generalised trust. If the school environment is caring, does that have any effect on
perceived necessary social networks vital to democratic civil society (World Bank, 2005b). Central to this approach has been social capital theory. Fukuyama, for example, when addressing an IMF seminar on the reforms, suggested that ‘the economic function of social capital is to reduce the transaction costs associated with formal coordination mechanisms like contracts, hierarchies, bureaucratic rules, and the like’ (Fukuyama, 1999). The phraseology suggests that the second generation of reforms is seen as a developmental tool set within a Weberian framework of state and
. Gewirtz, D. Halpin and M. Dickson, ‘Paving a “third way”? A policy trajectory analysis of Education Action Zones’, Research Papers in Education, 19:4 (2004), 453–75; S. Gewirtz, M. Dickson, S. Power, D. Halpin and G. Whitty, ‘The deployment of social capital theory in educational policy and provision: the case of Education Action Zones in England’, British Educational Research Journal, 31:6 (2005), 651–73. 20 D. Reay, ‘Gendering Bourdieu’s concepts of capitals? Emotional capital, women and social class’, in L. Adkins and B. Skeggs (eds), Feminism after Bourdieu (Oxford