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Laura Brace

NJ 560 - ch03 20/4/07 2:51 pm Page 25 3 The social contract Laura Brace Introduction The idea of a social contract as the source of legitimate political authority has played a key role in the development of liberal political thought since the seventeenth century. This chapter provides a brief overview of the social contract tradition and of feminist critiques, and explores the ambiguity of this tradition for feminist theory. In particular, it discusses how feminist theory might take the social contract seriously by analysing it in the multiple contexts of

in The impact of feminism on political concepts and debates
Mark Olssen

presupposes an environment, that environment is itself transient and changing. Hobbes presupposes a distinction between ‘nature’ and ‘culture’ where nature constitutes a fixed ground plan that human beings, through civil association, seek to channel and control. Like Locke and Rousseau, Hobbes reads far too much into nature. All three posit a fictional social contract, which Hobbes accepts as a metaphor to reflect the agreement between people, first, to live in civilized society, and secondly, to form a government. The social contract is the mechanism by which human beings

in Constructing Foucault’s ethics
John Shepherd

Chapter Two Election deferred and the collapse of the social contract On 7 September 1978, James Callaghan made a famous television broadcast to the nation: ‘As you know, during the last few weeks speculation has been building up about the possibility of a General Election this autumn’, he declared in his avuncular style. The Prime Minister then referred to the end of the Lib–Lab pact that had made ‘the [minority] Government more vulnerable to defeats in the House of Commons’ and also outlined the improved economic position of Britain – ‘some blue sky over

in Crisis? What crisis?
Alexandra Ortolja-Baird

Jefferson, but the treatise also provoked vehement criticism. It is Beccaria who first prompted the pejorative use of ‘socialist’, for instance, initially directed as a barbed but ultimately confused insult towards his egalitarian view of human nature and the social contract by the vociferous monk Ferdinando Facchinei. 6 Beccaria’s ‘socialist’ standpoint is central to his views on poverty. While the language of On Crimes and Punishments might suggest an impassioned humanitarian rationale behind his criticism of social and legal

in Ideas of poverty in the Age of Enlightenment
Abstract only
Georgina Blakeley
Valerie Bryson

or moment of realisation (see Hoffman’s chapter below). Rationality, social contract and sovereignty were obvious choices as the starting point for much Western political thought since the Enlightenment. Citizenship, representation, democracy and democratisation and development were chosen not just for their centrality to political theorising and analysis but also for their centrality to the practice of politics today. Although agency, empowerment and time have not been so central to Western political thought, their development by feminists shows their potential to

in The impact of feminism on political concepts and debates
Steps towards an anarchist utopia
Peter G. Stillman

society without a state: the idyllic ‘patriarchal and rustic life, man’s first life’, as human beings emerge from Rousseau’s state of nature into simple society, ‘is the most peaceful, the most natural, and the sweetest life for anyone who does not have a corrupt heart’.7 Otherwise, Rousseau’s good small societies, like Clarens (in Julie), assume the continued existence of the state; and his famous and complex Social Contract can readily be interpreted as statist: the general will can ‘force [one] to be free’ in a democratic despotism. Diderot’s Supplément au voyage de

in Anarchism and utopianism
A new politics of provision for an urbanized planet

This book examines how material systems such as transportation, energy and housing form the basis of human freedom. It begins by explaining this linkage by defining reliance systems, the basic way in which we become free to act not only as a result of our bodily capabilities or the absence of barriers but because of collectively produced systems. As virtually all of us rely on such systems – water, food, energy, healthcare, etc. – for freedom, the book argues that they must form the centre of a twenty-first-century politics. Rather than envisioning a healthier politics of reliance systems exclusively through rights or justice or deliberative democracy, we argue that they must become the centre of a new social contract. More specifically, we discuss the politics of reliance systems as a set of spatial contracts. Spatial contracts are the full set of politics governing any given system, and as such they are historically, geographically and system specific. In order to fully understand spatial contracts, we develop an analytical framework focused on three areas. Seeing like a system shows how systems thinking can enable us to avoid ideological approaches to understanding given spatial contracts, repurposing key ideas from mainstream and heterodox economics. Seeing like a settlement shows how systems come together in space to form human settlements, and exposes key political divides between urban and rural, and formal and informal. Adapting Iris Marion Young’s five faces of oppression enables an understanding of the specific ways in which reliance systems can be exploitative.

The impossibility of reason

This book presents an overview of Jean–Jacques Rousseau's work from a political science perspective. Was Rousseau — the great theorist of the French Revolution—really a conservative? The text argues that the author of ‘The Social Contract’ was a constitutionalist much closer to Madison, Montesquieu, and Locke than to revolutionaries. Outlining his profound opposition to Godless materialism and revolutionary change, this book finds parallels between Rousseau and Burke, as well as showing that Rousseau developed the first modern theory of nationalism. It presents an integrated political analysis of Rousseau's educational, ethical, religious and political writings.

Hakim Khaldi

. So in fact, there were deep divisions between these two parties. Furthermore, since taking power in the region, the PYD had snuffed out all political opposition, whether from Kurds or Arabs, and violently suppressed all demonstrations, going so far as to torture or kill potential opponents ( International Crisis Group, 2013 : 26). The PYD had in fact established an authoritarian regime far removed from the social contract drafted in December 2016

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Cathrine Brun
Cindy Horst

-time neighbours or as a consequence of displacement. Community-based actors are the first responders and often build on pre-existing relationships and social contracts in their provisions of aid ( Cretney, 2015 ). Refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) – former and present – also form community-based structures of support in rural settlements, urban contexts and protracted camp-based settings ( Horst, 2006 ; Jansen, 2018 Pincock et al. , 2021

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs