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Distancing and Social Inequalities: Are We All Really in This Together? ’, The International Journal of Community and Social Development , 2 : 2 , 173 – 90 , doi: 10.1177/2516602620937932 . Liu , Q. , Hairong , H. , Yang , J
social inequality in parts of Africa ( Karar, 2019 ). Digitalisation has nevertheless allowed many workers to access new income opportunities, and digital labour platforms in developing countries provide an alternative source of livelihood amid a scarcity of other opportunities ( Heeks, 2017 ). Work on digital labour platforms is predominantly classified as self-employment, whereby workers are independent contractors without access to a stable employment relationship or
This book analyses how racism and anti-racism influence Black British
middle-class cultural consumption. In doing so, this book challenges the
dominant understanding of British middle-class identity and culture as being
‘beyond race’.
Paying attention to the relationship between cultural capital
and cultural repertoires, this book puts forward the idea that there are three
black middle-class identity modes: strategic assimilation, class-minded, and
ethnoracial autonomous. People towards each of these identity modes use specific
cultural repertoires to organise their cultural consumption. Those towards
strategic assimilation draw on repertoires of code-switching and cultural
equity, consuming traditional middle-class culture to maintain an equality with
the White middle class in levels of cultural capital. Ethnoracial autonomous
individuals draw on repertoires of browning and Afro-centrism, removing
themselves from traditional middle-class cultural pursuits they decode as
‘Eurocentric’, while showing a preference for cultural forms that uplift Black
diasporic histories and cultures. Lastly, those towards the class-minded
identity mode draw on repertoires of post-racialism and de-racialisation. Such
individuals polarise between ‘Black’ and middle-class cultural forms, display an
unequivocal preference for the latter, and lambast other Black people who avoid
middle-class culture as being culturally myopic or culturally
uncultivated.
This book will appeal to sociology students, researchers, and
academics working on race and class, critical race theory, and cultural
sociology, among other social science disciplines.
reading a book or writing a poem, going to see a band, discussing a film with friends. Culture is singing in a choir, acting on stage, or crafting a gift for the family. These activities are just a few examples of culture. Culture captures what people make, what they participate in, and what they attend. Culture is a central part of what it means to be human. This book explains why we need to be cautious about culture. We will demonstrate that culture is closely related to inequality in society. Who produces culture reflects social inequality. The workforce in
as citizens’ social rights that, if necessary, had to be defended through social action. The 2008 crisis brought further challenges: the deterioration of living conditions and problems of housing affordability for sectors of the middle classes (Vaughan-Whitehead 2016; GarcÃa and Vicari-Haddock 2016). Even before that European cities had seen an increase in social inequality with a polarisation pattern in employment, particularly in peripheral societies. New labour market regulations and flexibilisation, introduced well before the Great Recession, affected mainly
the research. Through this analysis, I argue that the act of ‘swimming for…’ is a readily intelligible and sincerely intended means of constructing the good body/self, but that this simultaneously flattens out different forms of suffering and depoliticises social inequalities and ill health. Furthermore, the celebration of the endurance sporting body, and its reward through sponsorship, over-emphasises 103 Who are you swimming for? 103 individual accomplishment whilst understating the privilege that facilitates those status-bearing acts. I argue that these
unprecedented social inequality, was followed by depression in the US, which subsequently spread to a near global depression. Likewise, the Great Recession of 2008; by that year, as we have seen, social inequality and the concentration of wealth reached heights not seen since the 1920s, and they have been followed by sustained recession. Repeating the lesson of the 1920s, the neo-liberal philosophy of restraining the government, but not the market, has proven catastrophic, entailing massive state intervention to avoid a meltdown of global proportions. Once, again
diabetes alone. In this way, class, race and gender are absently present, intersecting in ways that become simultaneously (if selectively) both highly visible and invisible. This strategic (in)visibility around intersecting axes of social inequality is the focus of this final chapter. Throughout the book I have highlighted multiple points where the wider social, economic, cultural and political contexts of sugar consumption are blurred into the background in the rush to target sugar. In this chapter, by focusing on the
and marginalisation from public life and so on, they brush aside wider analyses of social inequality and social power.5 At the same time, the ways in which issues surrounding the distribution of resources interact with long-standing gendered and raced social and economic processes are obfuscated. Most tellingly, this move marks a turn away from understanding inequality and injustice as a product of interconnected lived experiences:6 of competitive meritocratic processes that structurally rely on winners and losers; of the dependence of upward social mobility on
agreed on what those goals are, and for the most part how to achieve them. Above all, Europe has insisted on the collective well-being of its citizens, the right of families to a decent income and to decent housing, the right of individuals to an education, the duty of the state to help provide employment, to make public provision for all, and to narrow gaps in social inequalities. Europe consciously has made choices to benefit the welfare of its publics. Social equality, from the European point of view, is a goal requiring commitment: it will not occur without