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Michael D. Leigh

The Roman Catholic Convent was the only school in Mandalay that catered specifically for Eurasian girls. A.W. Bestall launched a furious campaign to persuade the Missionary Committee to provide funds for a Wesleyan Eurasian girls' school in Mandalay. The missionaries were also very interested in certain aspects of public health, but their preoccupations were extremely selective. Leprosy melted hearts in Victorian England. One other social problem was entirely new. Wayward Burmese adolescents were addicted to films. They may have picked up the bad habit from the missionaries' magic-lantern shows, where mesmerised audiences gawped at cartoon Bible stories. Although leprosy brought the lives of individual sufferers crashing down, it was not the most important health problem in Burma. It was a political issue. In 1900 the missionaries asked the Missionary Society to send a missionary doctor. In 1911 Bradford described the hospital in Pakokku, a 'congested town, which is unsanitary'.

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
James Pereiro

Henry Edward Manning (1808–92) was involved in some of the most pressing social issues of his time, from the defence of workers and trade unionism to finding a solution for the dock strike and the education of the poor. English Catholic social conscience, as a whole and with some singular exceptions, was somewhat slow in following the leadership of the cardinal in some of these matters. This article studies a barely known aspect of Manning’s social activity: his involvement in the British response to the Russian pogroms of 1881–82 and in other contemporary Jewish issues.

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Open Access (free)
Lewis Hine’s Photographs of Refugees for the American Red Cross, 1918–20
Sonya de Laat

-involvement in the conflict did not mean that America was disavowing participation in the war altogether. Many Americans supported large-scale civilian relief through organizations such as Herbert Hoover’s Commission for Relief in Belgium, the American Friends Service Committee, and the American Committee for Near East Relief ( Irwin, 2013 : 56). However, by 1917, with the war going on years longer than expected, ideas of internationalism gained momentum as it had become apparent – even to some in the Peace Movement – that in order for domestic social issues to be properly

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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The British far left from 1956
Editors: Evan Smith and Matthew Worley

This book explores the role of the far left in British history from the mid-1950s until the present. It highlights the impact made by the far left on British politics and society. The book first looks at particular strands of the far left in Britain since the 1950s. It then looks at various issues and social movements such as Trotskyism, anti-revisionism and anarchism, that the left engaged (or did not engage) with, such as women's liberation, gay liberation, anti-colonialism, anti-racism and anti-fascism. The book focuses on how the wider British left, in the Labour Party and amongst the intelligentsia, encountered Trotskyism between the 1930s and 1960s. The Socialist Party (SP) and the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) traditions have proven to be the most durable and high profile of all of Britain's competing Trotskyist tendencies. Their opponents in the International Marxist Group and the Socialist Labour League/Workers' Revolutionary Party (SLL/WRP) each met limited success and influence in the labour movement and wider social movements. The SWP and Militant/SP outlived the 'official' Communist Party of Great Britain and from the collapse of the Soviet Union to the present day have continued to influence labour movement and wider politics, albeit episodically. The book is concerned with providing an overview of their development, dating from the end of the Second World War to the onset of the 2009 economic crisis.

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Andrew Smith

how the ghost story between 1840 and 1920 engages with a series of grand political debates about economics, national and colonial identities, gender, and the workings of the literary imagination. Dickens’s odd waking nightmare can thus be read as a conceit for how the ghost story at the time incorporated a range of pressing social issues, an examination of which enables a reconsideration of the function of the

in The ghost story, 1840–1920
Mark O’Brien

Britain and America –​adding the outsider’s critical distance and perspective to the paper’s coverage of social issues. One such appointment was that of Michael Viney, an English journalist with an interest in social affairs, who arrived from London’s Fleet Street in 1961. Viney initially worked as a freelance contributor to the Irish Times, and one of his first series, ‘Ireland for Sale?’, dealt with the tensions in rural Ireland between locals and non-​nationals who bought land. He subsequently joined the paper on a full-​time basis and, over the next ten years, wrote

in The Fourth Estate
Bruce Woodcock

the business and criminal worlds of Sydney. Gran Catchprice’s dream of a flower garden and her charitable attitude to the family business are poisoned by secrets and the corrosive effects of a disintegrating social system. The product of her attempt at benevolent capitalism is her psychopathic grandson, Benny. The brutal story-line is matched by an urgent narrative, almost filmic in intensity, which, along with the urgency of the social issues, marks a dramatic and adventurous shift of direction for Carey’s fictional practice. The framework

in Peter Carey
Will Higbee

Kassovitz’s previous two features attempted essentially to engage (socio-politically speaking) with their popular audience at the same time as entertaining them, Assassin(s) ’s polemical approach aims to confront, enrage and disgust its spectator into responding to the social issues of violence and youth alienation played out on screen. Assassin(s) tells the story of Max Pujol; an aimless

in Mathieu Kassovitz
Pedro Ramos Pinto

dictatorship to democracy, but in the transformation from one citizenship regime to another. The movement was both the offspring of dictatorships’ growing intervention in social issues, and one of the progenitors of Portuguese social democracy and its commitment to social rights. In the context of the revolutionary process, the mobilisation of the urban poor forced policy responses from the transition powers that took the social commitments of the new regime, once established, much further than those of transitions taking place at the same time or soon thereafter. As some

in Lisbon rising
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Embodiment and adolescence in recent Spanish films
Sarah Wright

intentionally) a form of resistance to adult power’ (2004: 83) and where ‘young people are increasingly regarded as a polluting presence on the streets’ (2004: 95). Spanish youths remain in the family home longer than their European counterparts (specifically this film treats the problems that ensue when the family becomes a space not of refuge but of violence) and in the 1990s ‘student’ was the profession most represented by young people in Spanish film (Fouz-Hernández, 2007: 222). Adolescence in Spain is a ‘social issue’ as it is elsewhere in the Western world: Spanish

in The child in Spanish cinema