dispense HIV drugs. It also allowed us to test some simplified care strategies
without having to get validation by national authorities.
Elba Rahmouni: The project’s success was predicated on
significant behaviour changes on the part of the population. What did you do to
bring about those changes, and with what successes and failures?
Pierre Mendiharat: The relationship between caregivers and the cared-for
During the 2014 West African Ebola epidemic, an estimated US$ 10 billion was spent to
contain the disease in the region and globally. The response brought together
multilateral agencies, bilateral partnerships, private enterprises and foundations,
local governments and communities. Socialmobilisation efforts were pivotal
components of the response architecture ( Gillespie et al. , 2016 ; Laverack and Manoncourt, 2015 ; Oxfam International, 2015
DRC, a bande dessinée on socialmobilisation in
North Kivu 3 and a
non-fiction book on eastern Congolese fighters 4 ;
my contemporaneous work as a ‘media’ journalist for the
Arrêt sur images website 5 for which I inventoried and examined the
practices of journalists who had worked in the DRC 6 ;
my social science
located within a wider theoretical compass.
This chapter develops the wider theoretical discussion as a complement to an
empirical examination. The theoretical discussion is not a set of conclusions on
the nature of the Pillar but is intended to underpin the empirical analysis of the
CVP in subsequent chapters. The sections of this chapter explore these broader
theoretical issues, and consider the efficacy of associations and socialmobilisation in a wider context of power.
Wider theoretical compass
Essentially, the necessity to connect wider theory to a deeper
the ‘anomaly’ of the Pillar.
This puzzle called for engagement with a broader range of potentially relevant theory than found in the literature on corporatism. Chapter 3 therefore
provided a broad excursus into theory, particularly on the nature of associations, over a longer time span and in a broader comparative perspective than
as yet has been cast up by debates on the Irish model. This survey explored the
associative domain at a more general level, covering concepts of associations,
civil society, socialmobilisation, the demos, social movements, democracy and
colonial oppression (LAI, India League, Meerut Prisoners, CCC). Her
support for these movements superseded her doctrinal differences with
both pacifists and anti-colonial nationalists in her commitment to socialmobilisation to effect change. This illustrates the compartmentalised
character of her political ideas and practice.
‘Red Ellen’ Wilkinson
Her analysis drew on the theories of Lenin and the Plebs circle,
especially Horrabin, and later Conze. Both her Marxism and her commitment to extra-parliamentary movements meant that she could not
easily assimilate into
Fighting a tropical scourge, modernising the nation
This chapter shows how successive yellow fever vaccines, conceived as complex sociotechnical constructs, have been involved in the construction of the Brazilian nation state. Three distinct periods in the country’s political history are distinguished: the patriarchal oligarchic state (1822-1930), the national developmentalist state (1930-80), and the state which has since then oscillated between liberal dependency and national interventionism. The successful campaigns against yellow fever run by Oswaldo Cruz formed the backbone for the founding myth of scientific public health and medicine in Brazil. The trajectory of the yellow fever vaccine manufactured at the Oswaldo Cruz Institute, which eventually became the biggest producer worldwide, coincides with economic, welfare, and labour policies that principally benefited urban groups. Rural populations would be the main recipients of the yellow fever vaccine, and it became an important component when national agencies tackled endemic diseases in the interior. Immunisation programmes have helped strengthen the country’s health system, disseminating a culture of prevention. The social mobilisation achieved by the yellow fever and other vaccination campaigns led to new relationships between communities and health services.
Precarious objects is a book about activism and design. The context is the changes in work and employment from permanent to precarious arrangements in the twenty-first century in Italy. The book presents design interventions that address precarity as a defuturing force affecting political, social and material conditions. Precarious objects shows how design objects, called here ‘orientation devices’, recode political communication and reorient how things are imagined, produced and circulated. It also shows how design as a practice can reconfigure material conditions and prefigure ways to repair some of the effects of precarity on everyday life. Three microhistories illustrate activist repertoires that bring into play design, and design practices that are grounded in activism. While the vitality, experimental nature and traffic between theory and praxis of social movements in Italy have consistently attracted the interest of activists, students and researchers in diverse fields, there exists little in the area of design research. This is a study of design activism at the intersection of design theory and cultural research for researchers and students interested in design studies, cultural studies, social movements and Italian studies.
Tracing sources of recent neo-conservatism in Poland
-gender mobilisation is not ‘another wave of backlash, but a new ideological and political configuration’ (Graff and Korolczuk 2017 : 176), although this colonial narrative was made possible by the fact that since the mid-1990s ‘gender conservatism’ has been perceived ‘as key to Poland's uniqueness in Europe’ ( 2017 : 184).
While the war on gender is a new phenomenon, it would not be possible without earlier socialmobilisation around gender and sexuality. I would argue that the war on gender
, which included both intensive bilateral engagement and public pressure tactics. One notable – and particularly successful aspect – of our strategy was the engagement of civil society groups.
Traditional humanitarian diplomacy activities such as bilateral meetings with a variety of stakeholders behind closed doors were complemented by civil society engagement – or socialmobilisation. This decision had several motivations.
Firstly, while the value of socialmobilisation around accountability focusing on government responsibility to the community