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respond to GBV, these engagements have the potential to actualise an effective pathway to help-seeking. Based on this, the paper examines the critical role of refugee leaders and service providers in the access and denial of GBV help-seeking by providing a timely example of how the social networks built within the context of conflict and displacement matter in taking action on gendered violence. Harnessing Auxiliary Voices Before moving further
settings, and access to early childhood development (ECD) services becomes more challenging where family and social networks have been weakened and social service delivery interrupted. Despite being vulnerable, young children are also tremendously adaptable and resilient. Appropriate support for children’s physical, mental and socio-emotional needs can mitigate the destabilising effects of trauma and allow them not only to survive but also thrive, even in the most hostile circumstances. However, to address the needs of young children, we must strengthen humanitarian
relationships are picked up in the second research article, by Lisette Robles, on the help-seeking behaviour of refugee and gender-based violence (GBV) survivors. Robles draws on interviews with refugee leaders and service providers to unpack why GBV support services are so often underutilised. Drawing on a social capital framework, she highlights the importance of trust and social networks which refugee survivors use to access and navigate different forms of assistance. Her work demonstrates an important
’s rights.’ JF: To what extent do these ‘others’ – presumably opponents of search-and-rescue missions in the Med – pose direct challenges to the work SOS is doing? CAS: The Defend Europe people actually aren’t much of a burden. They organise a demonstration every time we arrive somewhere, and they are extremely active on social networks – much more so than we are, that’s for sure. When we publish something on Facebook or Twitter, we end up with thousands of comments from them. I’ve gone from working with MSF in highly insecure environments
entrepreneur, Adriana attributes to the smartphone her possibilities to access information resources and social networks that enable her to sustain a source of income, especially considering the lack of employment opportunities and precarious conditions in the host country. Over the past few decades, digital forms of employability or the so-called digital economy has been seen as a window for economic development ( Wahome and Graham, 2020 : 1123). Discourses around it are
sophisticated financial transactions extended by their personal ties and translocal networks to acquire much needed financial resources ( Jacobsen et al. , 2009 ; Ciani, 2012 ). As such, financial inclusion is deemed as a means to an end for resilience ( Hudner et al. , 2015 ; Jacobsen et al. , 2009 ). Financial resilience aids in upholding both household and community resilience. The DRLA and UEH highlights that not only is a household’s social network helpful for securing resources related to wealth, but other studies have found that local networks and ties tend to
( LERRN, 2020 ). Inspired by the habits of work of WUSC, LERRN fieldwork relies on themes and methods selected by refugee-led organizations, such as Tanzania’s DIGNITY Kwanza and the Network for Refugee Voices, in collaboration with more traditional agencies such as Oxfam, CARE Canada, and Oxfam-Québec. Conclusion Historians and sociologists who observe that ‘social networks have given birth to an intermediary public space beyond nation states’ often lament the negative impact of social media on public life: an Americanization brought about by the hold of the
with existing studies on mutual support among refugees in Jordan. While the financial pressures and social isolation in exile may have damaged Syrians’ social networks, Stevens (2016) , Lokot (2018) and Zuntz (in press) argue that displacement does not simply disrupt, but rather reshapes transnational kinship-based networks and coping strategies: geographically, but also with regard to shifts in the gendered division of labour within households. Hence, we now turn to new income
the professional spheres. If all social interaction is performative, we all play multiple and overlapping roles, and few follow the same social script at work as when they are with their friends ( Goffman, 1978 ). In MSF however, this is particularly exaggerated: MSF imagines volunteers to be ‘unencumbered by social obligations at home’, similarly acquiring ‘few in the field’ ( Redfield, 2012 : 362). For many Congolese staff, this is a particularly complex endeavour: some are members of the communities in which they live and work, embedded in political and social
that most people did not kill out of hatred of the Tutsi but rather for a variety of other reasons. In Killing Neighbors , the late Lee Ann Fujii looked at the ways in which social networks drew individuals into participating in the killing in two local communities, one in Rwanda’s north, the other in the centre of the country. She argues that ethnic difference was not itself the cause of the violence but was a tool used by elites to divide the population and that local-level group dynamics influenced people to participate. She labels those who killed ‘joiners