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Bryan Fanning

12 Women and social policy The 1951 ‘Mother and Child’ Scheme controversy is usually cited as the defining example of Church interference in the state. However, overt interference was rare. The Catholic Church possessed a ‘non-decisional’ form of power: it had the capacity to mobilise politically in defence of its interests but rarely needed to do because these could be anticipated and addressed in a ‘non-political’ and non-contentious manner. As good Catholics, politicians and voters were deeply committed to expressing their faith through the laws and

in Irish adventures in nation-building
Jonathan Pattenden

6 Social policy and class relations: the case of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme The National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) is a universal rights-based programme, and as such it is argued here that it provides possibilities for classes of labour to challenge existing distributions of power within local government institutions (LGIs), and even to modify class relations in their favour. In operation since 2006, NREGS guarantees 100 days of employment on government-funded works for every household in rural India. It also entitles those

in Labour, state and society in rural India
Martha Doyle

4 The political, economic and social policy context While it has frequently been noted that Ireland’s welfare structure has much in common with the UK’s liberal welfare state (Esping-Andersen, 1990), the Irish system does in fact differ in many ways from that of its former coloniser and closest neighbour. O’Donnell and Thomas (2006) suggest that ‘Ireland does not appear to illustrate the conclusions of Esping-Andersen’s typology, not obligingly clustering with other countries, nor finding a home easily.’ Others have classified Ireland as a ‘Catholic

in The politics of old age
Jenny Andersson

, was to find a definition of growth that gave it a social face and could create a genuinely ‘socialpolicy for the 1970s; a new articulation that defended growth as an ideological objective, but strengthened its social side. 16 Therefore, social democracy had to rearticulate growth as a positive social force, and recreate a consensus around growth as something that led to security for individuals

in Between growth and security
Margret Fine-Davis

7 Attitudes to social policies relevant to family formation In this chapter we look at attitudes to social policies relevant to family formation. As noted above, in the discussion of previous research, policies concerning childcare and work–life balance have been found to be those most relevant to and with the greatest potential impact on family formation. We shall examine in detail people’s attitudes to these policies from the nationwide survey but drawing also from the qualitative data to help elucidate the quantitative data with real human examples

in Changing gender roles and attitudes to family formation in ireland
Leif Jerram

M1054 JERRAM TEXT M/UP.qxd:Andy Q7.3 18/10/07 10:03 Page 149 4 The production of space and the execution of social policy The deployments of space in care homes, hospitals and dwellings in Chapter 3 showed how potent a tool space can be for the interventionist bureaucrat, enabling him (and it was almost always a ‘him’) to transform the experiences of the elderly or a family, by bringing together and dividing. This chapter moves from the micro-example of interior space to investigate the ways in which the capacity to manipulate space is intimately linked with

in Germany’s other modernity
Intermediating the Internet Economy in Digital Livelihoods Provision for Refugees
Andreas Hackl

’, Global Social Policy , 22 : 2 , doi: 10.1177/14680181211004853 . Sinders , C. ( 2020 ), Examining the Human Labor Behind AI, Mozilla Foundation , (accessed 8 September 2020 ). Skran

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Legal advice, voluntary action and citizenship in England, 1890–199

Lawyers for the Poor explores the development of legal advice and aid provision in England between 1890 and 1990. It is the first book-length study to place legal advice provision in the wider context of English civil society and the welfare state, and it demonstrates how making it easier for people to get advice on their problems was shaped by changing ideas of what it meant to be a citizen. This book examines the origins in the after-hours ‘Poor Man’s Lawyer’ voluntary work of individual lawyers in late Victorian London through to the state-subsidised legal aid schemes of post-war Britain. It considers how affordable access to help with legal matters came to be seen as a right for all, and how charities, the main political parties, the trade unions and the media were involved in trying to achieve this by the 1940s. It also reveals the problems and advantages of offering legal advice services as part of the welfare state after 1949 and the ongoing concerns about using public money on private troubles – issues that remain unresolved in the twenty-first century. This book will be of interest to students and researchers of welfare, citizenship, politics, social policy and voluntary action in twentieth-century Britain, and to practitioners.

Swedish social democracy from a strong society to a third way

Social policy is not a cost, but a productive investment, wrote the Swedish social democratic economist Gunnar Myrdal in 1932, the year the Swedish social democrats (SAP) gained electoral power. This notion of social policy as a productive investment and a prerequisite for economic growth became a core feature in the ideology of Swedish social democracy, and a central component of the universalism of the Swedish welfare state. However, as the SAP embarked on its Third Way in 1981, this outlook on social policy as a productive investment was replaced by the identification of social policy as a cost and a burden for growth. This book discusses the components of this ideological turnaround from Swedish social democracy's post war notion of a strong society, to its notion of a Third Way in the early 1980s. It contributes to the history of Swedish social democracy and recent developments in the Swedish welfare state, and also sheds light on contemporary social policy debates.

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Governing the social through security politics

In the twenty-first century, ‘vulnerability’ has become central to the governance of security, migration, integration, social care and mental health. But what does it mean to govern through vulnerability? We might optimistically think vulnerability signifies a new-found commitment to precarious lives on the part of policymakers. But why, then, do associated policy recommendations appear to transform welfare state provision – moving away from provision to those in need and towards the remoulding of subjects so that they do not become ‘costly’ or ‘risky’? This book responds to the rise of ‘vulnerability’ in the fields of public health, psychology, international security, political administration, post-colonial African and Middle Eastern politics, policing and migration. Across this policy landscape, we show that vulnerability has become central to the reinvention of social governance. Wherever policymakers wish to extend social control further into communities and their municipal structures, the language of vulnerability is used to appropriate the spaces previously administered by the welfare state. How is the language of vulnerability so powerful and transformative? At its core, ‘vulnerability’ implies a pre-emptive temporality – it is used to denote the potential for something negative to occur. The reorganisation of security and social policies around vulnerability works to centre a preventive, anticipatory temporality. The book is split into two parts: looking first at the transformation of the welfare state that brought risk and security logics into social policy. The second part explores how contemporary national security programmes appropriate the language and modalities of safeguarding and care.