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The attempt to both define and understand reform in the later tenth and eleventh centuries is the chief ambition of this book. The book explores ecclesiastical reform as a religious idea and a movement against the backdrop of social and religious change in later tenth- and eleventh-century Europe. In so doing, it seeks, on the one hand, to place the relationship between reform and the papacy in the context of the debate about 'transformation' in its many and varied forms. At the same time, although recognizing that the reform movement had its origins as much in individuals and events far away from Rome and royal courts, it has looked to act as something of a corrective to the recent tendency among historians of emphasizing reform developments in other localities at the expense of those being undertaken in Rome. The book addresses 'the religious revolution of the eleventh century' by exploring how reform and the papacy developed in the eleventh century, and how these changes affected the rules by which medieval society functioned. Particular attention is paid to the question of whether the 'peace of God' movement was a social revolution that progressively blurred into and merged with the papal-sponsored movement for reform, which was gathering pace from the middle of the century, or whether these forces were deliberately compacted by the reformers in their efforts to promote their vision for Christian society.
sociology, as well as developing an influential strand of comparative analysis, in her book, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia and China. 32 She studied three examples of a single type of revolution, each of which can be explained in a similar manner through a structuralist approach. As we see in the excerpt from her article which follows, Skocpol argued that ‘social revolution [in France, China and Russia] was a conjuncture of three developments: (1) the collapse or incapacitation of central administrative and military machineries
on such organizations as the Israeli kibbutz: “Our primary task … is complete the politial, economic … and social revolution, advancing within each Strategic Hamlet and from the Strategic Hamlets to the Central Authority” (từ các Ấp Chiến Lược chuyển phát lên Trung Ương).43 As Nhu reminded officials at an interministry meeting on the Strategy Hamlet Campaign, this ideal of a stateless democracy distinguished the Personalism of the Republic from the primitive Marxism espoused by the Communist Party. For the latter, the creation of a decentralized system of semi
santería. Healthcare was also dramatically improved; given the emigration of expertise, initial efforts focused on prevention, through education, inoculation and sanitation. By the 1970s, however, with a newly trained 22 Literary culture in Cuba generation of personnel, the emphasis shifted to cure and greater provision, expanding medical staff, eliminating most tropical diseases and increasing life expectancy rates to First World levels. Overall, therefore, the whole social revolution was fundamental to support for the Revolution. Hence, the 1990s’ crisis threatened
defined in 1961 as the creation of “networks of resistance” in the North, applying the same strategy of social revolution employed by the insurgency in the South. The program, then, was originally devised as part of an “integrated” conception of counterinsurgency, in which unconventional warfare was combined with social and economic development.17 After Kennedy’s assassination, however, this “integrated view of … covert warfare,” which “would become the operational framework for … containment strategies everywhere in the world,” was abandoned by Washington policymakers
The late nineteenth-century imperial world view was an integral part of the commercial, industrial, and social revolution which took place in Britain between the 1850s and 1914. During that period the population nearly doubled; incomes exhibited a similar growth at a time when prices remained relatively steady; and British society achieved nearly universal literacy. 1 Dramatic changes
nature of historical violence. Fearful of social revolution in Ireland, The Albigenses focuses on revolution of a different kind: the recurrence of the past. Blurring the fundamental differences between Albigenses, Huguenots, and Anglo-Irish, The Albigenses similarly merges their specific geographical and historical contexts. Past thus becomes present (and potentially the future), as the unjust
context of the food shortages, Repeal was not a priority for the Irish poor, a position he reversed intermittently.163 Increasingly, he wrote about the need for a social revolution to accompany the political one, believing that without a reform of the land system, political change alone would be meaningless.164 By mid-1847, he thought it unlikely that landlords might lead the revolution and instead put his faith in a strong farmer class to lead the new society. Lalor proposed that tenants mount a campaign of civil disobedience, which would include withholding rents, a
Ireland was the first country to extend marriage to same-sex couples through a public vote. This book records the political campaign and strategy that led to this momentous event in 2015, from the origins of a gay rights movement in a repressive Ireland through to the establishment of the Yes Equality campaign. The story traces how, for perhaps the first time in the history of the Irish State, the country shed its conservative Catholic image. Ultimately, this is the account of how a new wave of activism was successfully introduced in Ireland which led to a social revolution that is being fully realised in 2019 and beyond through subsequent campaigns, activism and further referenda. The marriage equality movement is best explored through the stories of the main campaigners, including those already well known in the Irish movement, such as David Norris, Katherine Zappone and Ann Louise Gilligan, as well as individuals who inspired the founding of vibrant new groups such as NOISE and Marriage Equality, or reactivated established groups such as GLEN. This social revolution is detailed through accounts of how political lobbying was used and court cases launched that brought about necessary legal and political change which now showcases Ireland as a progressive country continually working towards achieving full equality.
The violence of the war of attrition would result in widespread rural depopulation. Following the collapse of the First Republic, the program of social revolution in the countryside would be replaced by an “urban revolution,” aimed at isolating the insurgency by displacing the rural population en masse. In the cities, moreover, the policies implemented by the later Republican regimes would help to precipitate the emergence of an enormous consumer society, dependent on American aid. Chapter 5 looks at the rise of a new popular culture, which would become an increasingly pervasive phenomenon in South Vietnamese cities in the mid-1960s as the violence continued to escalate in the countryside. Contrary to Communist accounts, this mass culture was not a product of US cultural imperialism. Rather, it was an unintended effect of policies implemented by the later Republic governments, in accordance with the American aim of establishing a bastion of liberal democracy and free market capitalism. Freed from the censorship imposed by the early Republic, the market for media would increasingly divert the efforts of South Vietnamese intellectuals away from the creation of high culture and art toward the production of mass entertainment.