This book examines how the conflict affects people's daily behaviour in reinforcing sectarian or ghettoised notions and norms. It also examines whether and to what extent everyday life became normalised in the decade after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. The book outlines how sectarianism and segregation are sustained and extended through the routine and mundane decisions that people make in their everyday lives. It explores the role of integrated education in breaking down residual sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The book examines the potential of the non-statutory Shared Education Programme (SEP) for fostering greater and more meaningful contact between pupils across the ethno-religious divide. It then focuses on women's involvement or women's marginalisation in society and politics. In considering women's political participation post-devolution, mention should be made of activities in the women's sector which created momentum for women's participation prior to the GFA. The book deals with the roles of those outside formal politics who engage in peace-making and everyday politics. It explores the fate of the Northern Irish Civic Forum and the role of section 75 of the 1998 Northern Ireland Act in creating more inclusive policy-making. Finally, the book explains how cross-border trade, shopping and economic development more generally, also employment and access to health services, affect how people navigate ethno-national differences; and how people cope with and seek to move beyond working-class isolation and social segregation.
At a time when monolingualist claims for the importance of ‘speaking English’ to the national order continue louder than ever, even as language diversity is increasingly part of contemporary British life, literature becomes a space to consider the terms of linguistic belonging. Bad English examines writers including Tom Leonard, James Kelman, Suhayl Saadi, Raman Mundair, Daljit Nagra, Xiaolu Guo, Leila Aboulela, Brian Chikwava, and Caroline Bergvall, who engage multilingually, experimentally, playfully, and ambivalently with English’s power. Considering their invented vernaculars and mixed idioms, their dramatised scenes of languaging – languages learned or lost, acts of translation, scenes of speaking, the exposure and racialised visibility of accent – it argues for a growing field of contemporary literature in Britain pre-eminently concerned with language’s power dynamics, its aesthetic potentialities, and its prosthetic strangeness. Drawing on insights from applied linguistics and translation studies as well as literary scholarship, Bad English explores contemporary arguments about language in Britain – in debates about citizenship or education, in the media or on Twitter, in Home Office policy and asylum legislation – as well as the ways they are taken up in literature. It uncovers both an antagonistic and a productive interplay between language politics and literary form, tracing writers’ articulation of linguistic alienation and ambivalence, as well as the productivity and making-new of radical language practices. Doing so, it refutes the view that language difference and language politics are somehow irrelevant to contemporary Britain and instead argues for their constitutive centrality to the work of novelists and poets whose inside/outside relationship to English in its institutionalised forms is the generative force of their writing.
In 1960–62, a large number of white autochthonous parents in Southall became very concerned that the sudden influx of largely non-Anglophone Indian immigrant children in local schools would hold back their children’s education. It was primarily to placate such fears that ‘dispersal’ (or ‘bussing’) was introduced in areas such as Southall and Bradford, as well as to promote the integration of mostly Asian children. It consisted in sending busloads of immigrant children to predominantly white suburban schools, in an effort to ‘spread the burden’. This form of social engineering went on until the early 1980s. This book, by mobilising local and national archival material as well as interviews with formerly bussed pupils in the 1960s and 1970s, reveals the extent to which dispersal was a flawed policy, mostly because thousands of Asian pupils were faced with racist bullying on the playgrounds of Ealing, Bradford, etc. It also investigates the debate around dispersal and the integration of immigrant children, e.g. by analysing the way some Local Education Authorities (Birmingham, London) refused to introduce bussing. It studies the various forms that dispersal took in the dozen or so LEAs where it operated. Finally, it studies local mobilisations against dispersal by ethnic associations and individuals. It provides an analysis of debates around ‘ghetto schools’, ‘integration’, ‘separation’, ‘segregation’ where quite often the US serves as a cognitive map to make sense of the English situation.
meaning of that architecture for those two groups, and the way it moved
between one and the other, has yet to be explained and explored. Until
we know more about the people who bought and lived in these houses the
picture will remain incomplete. There was, however, a spatial
realignment along social lines in this period, with the withdrawal of
the gentry and pseudo-gentry from the City to the West End. Social
eastern European countries
or the coming of age of environmental and sustainability concerns.
The point remained that despite increasing social tensions, socialsegregation, inequalities, even riots at times, European cities had resources, identities and political legitimacy, scores of new policies and public investment. It
was not appropriate to describe them as dual cities. The prophets of urban
convergence around the Los Angeles or Shanghai model were proven wrong
during that period.
The conclusion of my European Cities book (which only dealt with western
Working-class white women, interracial relationships and colonial ideologies in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Liverpool
Foundation of the Sierra Leone Settlement,
1786–1791 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press,
See various sources cited in Costello, Black
Liverpool , p. 104.
D. Frost, ‘Racism and socialsegregation
say about modern Dublin than other European cities. The historical narratives of nineteenth-century Dublin include the rise of the middle classes, the development of socialsegregation, rising nationalism in the Dublin Corporation, the growing problems of poverty and public health, and the city’s modernity (or lack thereof). 32 The view of Victorian Dublin as a city in decline has lingered despite attempts to dislodge it. 33 All of these narratives have shaped this book in some way, but by using new sources and a new approach I have been able to show a different
; their status was less
equivocal; their control much greater. Even so, fear of being ‘corrupted’ by the
machinations of subordinate collaborators (the same fear that Christopher Munn documents so
convincingly in Hong Kong) was never far from the surface. 2 And the ‘solutions’ adopted in British India were strikingly
similar to those applied in Shanghai or Hong Kong. Communal loyalty was enforced through
residential and socialsegregation as far as possible, and by taboos against intermarriage.
Hyperactive sociability became an
Young people in migrant worker families in Ireland
replicated by the UK and Sweden).
Between 2004 and 2007 inclusive, net inward migration to Ireland totalled
more than 225,000, which was equivalent to over 5 per cent of the resident
population (Barrett and Bergin, 2009).
Research from countries with a longer history of immigration, such as the
UK and the USA, has explored issues of immigrants’ experiences of their new
residential locations and the question of socialsegregation (e.g. Ellis, 2001;
Finney and Simpson, 2009; Peach, 1996). Often, this research is working within
what can be called an immigrant incorporation or
They are seen as working well because the metrics of their ‘success’ – how value is calculated – are measured by the imaginative leap in their design and the creative outcomes that they generated. Cable cars displaced the spatial fix, or geographical lock-in, of separation caused by socialsegregation through technological intervention. They revolve around a recognition that policy intervention needs to recognise what might appear to be ‘clumsy’ or sub-optimal but works with the rhythms and speed of the city itself. Medellin also highlights the different measures of