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For over five decades, the Cold War security agenda was distinguished by the principal strategic balance, that of a structure of bipolarity, between the United States (US) and the Soviet Union (USSR). This book seeks to draw from current developments in critical security studies in order to establish a new framework of inquiry for security in the Middle East. It addresses the need to redefine security in the Middle East. The focus is squarely on the Arab-Israeli context in general, and the Palestinian-Israeli context in particular. The character of Arab-Israeli relations are measured by the Israeli foreign policy debate from the 1950s to the 1990s. A dialogue between Islam and Islamism as a means to broaden the terrain on which conflict resolution and post-bipolar security in the Middle East is to be understood is presented. The Middle East peace process (MEPP) was an additional factor in problematizing the military-strategic concept of security in the Middle East. The shift in analysis from national security to human security reflects the transformations of the post-Cold War era by combining military with non-military concerns such as environmental damage, social unrest, economic mismanagement, cultural conflict, gender inequity and radical fundamentalism. By way of contrast to realist international relations (IR) theory, developing-world theorists have proposed a different set of variables to explain the unique challenges facing developing states. Finally, the book examines the significance of ecopolitics in security agendas in the Middle East.
cited as helping to preserve a social cohesion that protected Britain from the social unrest manifest on the continent. Although radio sets were available from the 1920s, widespread working-class radio ownership only really took off during the late 1930s. Three million households possessed a radio in 1930, a figure which had tripled by 1939 and accounted for approximately three-quarters of the households in Britain.90 Even families in the poorest areas, it seems, were able to afford the battery-powered ‘entry’ model of radio set, which would cost, by the early 1930s, a
’s exhibition. May 1968 is recalled as the strikers throw cobbles and burn cars. The dockyard workers become revolutionary vanguards, cast in the dyes of epochchanging uprisings, with François instated as ultimate martyr. By setting its story of doomed love against a narrative of social unrest, Une chambre en ville complies with the melodrama genre. Consonant with melodramas, social contestation unfolds on the doorstep of the privileged domestic space and is literally brought into the bourgeois interior by the proletarian figure of François. The majority of the action occurs
corruption, incompetence and neglect and which solely serves the interests of a post-war oligarchy of businessmen and financiers, who divide between them the rents and spoils of a rolled-back state and uncompetitive markets. Prior to the Beirut explosion, this dysfunctional system and the resulting social and economic grievances had already culminated in social unrest, referred to as the October Revolution. On 14 October 2019, Lebanon witnessed a national catastrophe when thousands of square metres of forest were scorched by
, Radical Hope and the Ethical Imaginary : An International, Intercultural Investigation of Drama Pedagogy, Performance and Civic Engagemen t (2014–19) Our multi-sited, ethnographic research study funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada is the project through which we have collaborated over the last five years. Gallagher conceived of this study in order to think about disengagement in schools, and from civic life more broadly, as a precursor to, and driver of, youth social unrest around the world. Using a socially engaged and
Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites engages with and challenges some key narratives of one of the darkest periods in the history of Vienna; the rise and sustained presence of organised, politically directed antisemitism in the city between the late nineteenth century and the middle of the twentieth. Sketching out first the longer-term background, it then focuses on central players in the antisemitic Christian Social movement, which flourished through an ideology of exclusion and prejudice. The work is built on considerable original research into both bourgeois social organisations and activists from the lower clergy, but it also exposes the role played in the development of antisemitism by the senior clergy in Vienna. In addition to a close examination of the antisemitic aspects of the Christian Socials, it analyses how other major social debates in this period impacted on their development as a group: national struggles, especially the desire for German unification; responses to the waves of poverty and social unrest that swept over Europe; and conservative and clerical reactions to modernity, such as liberalism and democracy – debates with a resonance far beyond Vienna. Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites tells its story across this long period, and for the first time in such detail, to give room to the gestation in ‘respectable’ society of antisemitism, an ideology that seemed to be dying in the 1860s, but which was revived and given new strength from the 1880s onwards, even surviving challenges from the more widely known Red Vienna of the 1920s and 1930s.
Archbishop Wulfstan of York is among the most important legal and political thinkers of the early Middle Ages. A leading ecclesiastic, innovative legislator, and influential royal councilor, Wulfstan witnessed firsthand the violence and social unrest that culminated in the fall of the English monarchy before the invading armies of Cnut in 1016. This book introduces the range of Wulfstan's political writings and sheds light on the development of English law during the early eleventh century. In his homilies and legal tracts, Wulfstan offered a searing indictment of the moral failures that led to England’s collapse and formulated a vision of an ideal Christian community that would influence English political thought long after the Anglo-Saxon period had ended. More than just dry political theory, however, Wulfstan’s works are composed in the distinctive voice of someone who was both a confidante of kings and a preacher of apocalyptic fervour. No other source so vividly portrays the political life of eleventh-century England: what it was, and what one man believed it could be.
This chapter, co-authored by a US and a Chinese scholar, compares the information and persuasion sphere of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to that of the United States. China, more than the United States, is engaged in areas of soft power competition that far exceed trade wars to include elite exchanges (aka exchange diplomacy), international broadcasting, and humanitarian assistance. We claim that soft power is a socially constructed concept that is mostly shaped by a media environment where global actors are portrayed as winners and losers in an information war. In 2020, China and the United States lost collective soft power, with China receiving low marks for its coronavirus management that include suppressing domestic whistleblowers. Likewise, the rogue management of US foreign policy, combined with domestic political polarisation and social unrest centred on racism and police misconduct, found global media consumers conditioned to believe in a perpetual zero-sum game between the world’s leading superpowers. By initiating a practical and theoretical discussion over the concept of soft power in the context of Sino-US relations, this chapter suggests that both countries have the potential to work together on problems that can lead to mutually beneficial, non-zero-sum results.
Explaining how leprosy was considered in various historical settings by referring to categories of uncleanliness in antiquity, is problematic. The book historicizes how leprosy has been framed and addressed. It investigates the history of leprosy in Suriname, a plantation society where the vast majority of the population consisted of imported slaves from Africa. The relationship between the modern stigmatization and exclusion of people affected with leprosy, and the political tensions and racial fears originating in colonial slave society, exerting their influence until after the decolonization up to the present day. The book explores leprosy management on the black side of the medical market in the age of slavery as contrasted with the white side. The difference in perspectives on leprosy between African slaves and European masters contributed to the development of the 'Great Confinement' policies, and leprosy sufferers were sent to the Batavia leprosy asylum. Dutch debates about leprosy took place when the threat of a 'return' of leprosy to the Netherlands appeared to materialise. A symbiotic alliance for leprosy care that had formed between the colonial state and the Catholics earlier in the nineteenth century was renegotiated within the transforming landscape of Surinamese society to incorporate Protestants as well. By 1935, Dutch colonial medicine had dammed the growing danger of leprosy by using the modern policies of detection and treatment. Dutch doctors and public health officials tried to come to grips with the Afro-Surinamese belief in treef and its influence on the execution of public health policies.
settlement policy: that of social control. 2 The attempt by the conservative and reactionary forces of postwar society to use soldier settlement to de-fuse social unrest is an important theme which needs further analysis. For it must be emphasised that soldier settlement was already deeply subsumed within the backward-looking and archaic ideology of the yeoman farmer and the