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Mallorca (Balearic Islands), 1820–70
Joana Maria Pujadas-Mora
Pere Salas-Vives

11 Inland sanitary cordons and liberal administration in southern Europe: Mallorca (Balearic Islands), 1820–70 Joana Maria Pujadas-Mora and Pere Salas-Vives Coastal and inland sanitary cordons were often used, as in much of southern Europe, during the nineteenth century, to protect the island of Mallorca against imported epidemics.1 Esteban Rodríguez Ocaña states that during the eighteenth century in Spain: ‘Watch [resguardo] was a widely used synonym in public health, a product of a strictly defensive definition of the duty of public health; no wonder it is

in Mediterranean Quarantines, 1750–1914
Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Rethinking Digital Divides by Linda Leung
Antonio Díaz Andrade

southern Europe has attracted global attention, Australia also receives a sizeable number of refugees, who are the focus of the book. Since it is not clear why and how individuals from refugee backgrounds engage in digital-technology use, Leung presents pertinent questions. How do individuals from refugee backgrounds interpret digital technology? What actions describe their engagement in digital-technology use? How do they negotiate the restrictions imposed during displacement, especially in detention

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Visual Advocacy in the Early Decades of Humanitarian Cinema
Valérie Gorin

, 2012 ; Veeder, 1990 ). The newly founded League of Red Cross had sixty films available in 1921, as well as Italian, Swedish, and English Red Cross societies. The ARA (1919–23) was also keen on using cinema to raise awareness, with films such as Starvation produced as early as 1919, to America’s Gift to Famine Stricken Russia released after the end of famine in 1923. The former followed American food relief operations in Central and Southern Europe after World War I amid persistent fighting, leading the film crew to witness war crimes in the Baltics. The latter

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Renovation or resignation?

This book makes an important contribution to the existing literature on European social democracy in the wake of the 2008 financial crash and ensuing recession. It considers ways in which European social democratic parties at both the national and European level have responded to the global economic crisis (GEC). The book also considers the extent to which the authors might envisage alternatives to the neo-liberal consensus being successfully promoted by those parties within the European Union (EU). The book first explores some of the broader thematic issues underpinning questions of the political economy of social democracy during the GEC. Then, it addresses some of the social democratic party responses that have been witnessed at the level of the nation state across Europe. The book focuses in particular on some of the countries with the longest tradition of social democratic and centre-left party politics, and therefore focuses on western and southern Europe. In contrast to the proclaimed social democratic (and especially Party of European Socialists) ambitions, the outcomes witnessed at the EU level have been less promising for those seeking a supranational re-social democratization. In order to understand the EU-level response of social democratic party actors to the Great Recession, the book situates social democratic parties historically. In the case of the British Labour Party, it also identifies the absence of ideological alternatives to the 'there is no alternative' (TINA)-logic that prevailed under the leadership of both Tony Blair and Gordon Brown.

Bailout politics in Eurozone countries

Since 2010, five Eurozone governments in economic difficulty have received assistance from international lenders on condition that certain policies specified in the Memoranda of Understanding were implemented. How did negotiations take place in this context? What room for manoeuvre did the governments of these countries have? After conditionality, to what extent were governments willing and able to roll back changes imposed on them by the international lenders? Do we find variation across governments, and, if so, why?

This book addresses these questions. It explores the constraints on national executives in the five bailed out countries of the Eurozone during and beyond the crisis (2008–2019).

The book’s principal idea is that, despite international market pressure and creditors’ conditionality, governments had some room for manoeuvre during a bailout and were able to advocate, resist, shape or roll back some of the policies demanded by external actors. Under certain circumstances, domestic actors were also able to exploit the constraint of conditionality to their own advantage. The book additionally shows that after a bailout programme governments could use their discretion to reverse measures in order to attain the greatest benefits at a lower cost. It finally explores the determinants of bargaining leverage – and stresses the importance of credibility.


This collection brings together work on forms of popular television produced within the authoritarian regimes of Europe after World War II. Ten chapters based on new and original research examine approaches to programming and individual programmes in Spain, Greece, Czechoslovakia, Romania, the Soviet Union and the GDR at a time when they were governed as dictatorships or one-party states. Rather than foregrounding the political economy of television or its role as an overt tool of state propaganda, the focus is on popular television-everyday programming that ordinary people watched. An editorial introduction examines the question of what can be considered ‘popular’ when audience appeal is often secondary to the need for state control. With familiar measures of popularity often absent, contributors adopt various approaches in applying the term to the programming they examine and in considering the reasons for its popularity. Drawing on surviving archives, scripts and production records, contemporary publications, YouTube clips, and interviews with producers and performers, its chapters recover examples of television programming history unknown beyond national borders and often preserved largely in the memories of the audiences who lived with them. Popular Television in Authoritarian Europe represents a significant intervention in transnational television studies, making these histories available to scholars for the first time, encouraging comparative enquiry and extending the reach – intellectually and geographically – of European television history.

Nicola Negri
Chiara Saraceno

8  Nicola Negri and Chiara Saraceno The Mediterranean welfare states between recalibration and change in the cultural paradigm Whether there is a specific Mediterranean welfare regime is an open debate. There is, however, consensus on the existence of what is known as a ‘Mediterranean welfare-state syndrome’ shared by all four southern European countries: Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal. In this chapter, after having synthetically recalled the main features of this syndrome, we will describe how, and within which economic, cultural and political constraints

in Western capitalism in transition
The return of citizenship claims
Marisol García

young cohorts not only in peripheral countries, but also in countries such as Germany (Fernández Macias 2015). The 2008 economic crisis brought large job losses in mid-level occupations causing middle-class unemployment and impoverishment, particularly in southern European societies where austerity policies have destroyed job opportunities (see Negri and Saraceno in this volume). Two related factors constitute a further concern for life chances: the difficulty for young people to leave their parental homes and become autonomous citizens; and the absence of

in Western capitalism in transition
Abstract only
Dana Wessell Lightfoot

marital families who each wanted control of their persons and property.9 While these kinds of struggles likely took place among higher-status families throughout southern Europe, elite widows were also able to live with a certain amount of economic autonomy, if they were in possession of their dowries and other property, and were not subject to familial pressures.10 This was not necessarily the case for labouring-status widows. Even if they were able to regain their dotal assets from a previous marriage with relative ease (and evidence from Valencia and other areas of

in Women, dowries and agency