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British foreign policy in the era of American hegemony
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This book intends to fill an important gap in the body of research on the special relationship by exploring it from the perspective of post-war British governments, asking: how have they perceived the special relationship? How have they perceived and performed their foreign policy role within it? And have they viewed this role as being successful? Looking beyond the rhetoric of Churchill's Fulton speech and the innate cultural and historical ties between the British and Americans, the book demonstrates how the 'special relationship' that emerged between the two governments at this time was in fact the product of hard-nosed geopolitical brinkmanship, during a period of Anglo-American power struggles. It concludes that since its conception the special relationship has never quite been the alliance that the Churchill government hoped to create and that the tensions it caused between governments in Britain, America, Europe and the Commonwealth represent the genesis of themes that run as leitmotivs throughout post-war British foreign policy. This leads us onto the book's second aim, which is to show how at key moments of post-war international crisis successive British governments have attempted to perform the same active foreign policy role within the special relationship that Churchill's government defined in 1945. The book provides counterbalance to the prevailing view in academia that post-war British governments have accepted their declining status and influence in the special relationship since 1945, and that the rate of this decline accelerated markedly following the events of the Suez crisis in the late 1950s.

Open Access (free)
Anglo-American affinities and antagonisms 1854–1936

This book addresses the special relationship from the perspective of post-Second World War British governments. It argues that Britain's foreign policy challenges the dominant idea that its power has been waning and that it sees itself as the junior partner to the hegemonic US. The book also shows how at moments of international crisis successive British governments have attempted to re-play the same foreign policy role within the special relationship. It discusses the power of a profoundly antagonistic relationship between Mark Twain and Walter Scott. The book demonstrates Stowe's mis-reading and mis-representation of the Highland Clearances. It explains how Our Nig, the work of a Northern free black, also provides a working-class portrait of New England farm life, removed from the frontier that dominates accounts of American agrarian life. Telegraphy - which transformed transatlantic relations in the middle of the century- was used by spiritualists as a metaphor for the ways in which communications from the other world could be understood. The story of the Bolton Whitman Fellowship is discussed. Beside Sarah Orne Jewett's desk was a small copy of the well-known Raeburn portrait of Sir Walter Scott. Henry James and George Eliot shared a transatlantic literary network which embodied an easy flow of mutual interest and appreciation between their two milieux. In her autobiography, Gertrude Stein assigns to her lifelong companion the repeated comment that she has met three geniuses in her life: Stein, Picasso, and Alfred North Whitehead.

Ministers, atomic espionage and Anglo-American relations
Daniel W. B. Lomas

political capital out of it [and] some are calling for a witch hunt. 2 Kenneth Younger, 1951 The Anglo-American ‘special relationship’ was an important dimension of Attlee’s foreign and defence policy. Stemming from wartime collaboration, relations with Washington were fraught and served to provide the Labour government with

in Intelligence, security and the Attlee governments, 1945–51
Simon Tate

3 US dominance or an Anglo-American partnership? British perspectives on the making of the special relationship in 1945 The year 1945 was an important one in British geopolitics: it was the year in which Germany and Japan were defeated in the Second World War; the leaders of the so-called ‘Big Three’ governments of Britain, Russia and the US met twice to decide upon the post-war future of Europe; in April and June the San Francisco Conference took place, the culmination of which was the signing of the UN Charter; and in August 1945, as the Second World War

in A special relationship?
Simon Tate

5 The doctrine of international community, coalitions of the willing and the role of the British Government in the special relationship during the War on Terror, 2001−2003 This chapter explores how the British government conceptualised its role in the special relationship in the context of the post-September 11th War on Terror. Several chronological accounts of developments in War on Terror have already been published (see for example Coates and Krieger, 2004; Coughlin, 2006; Meyer, 2006; Woodward, 2004) and I therefore disclaim any intention of providing in

in A special relationship?
Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo-American relations ‘at the summit’, 1964–68
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This book is based mainly on government sources, namely material from the White House, State Department, Foreign Office (FO), Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), Prime Minister's Office (PREM) and Cabinet (CAB). Private papers consulted include those of Harold Wilson, Foreign Secretary George Brown and Undersecretary of State George Ball. The book explores a period of the Wilson-Johnson relationship. It considers the seven weeks from Wilson's election until he went to see Lyndon B. Johnson on 7-9 December, a formative period in which Britain cultivated American financial support and which saw pre-summit diplomacy over the NATO Multilateral Force (MLF). The book covers the summit in detail, examining the diplomatic exchanges over the Vietnam War, the British commitment East of Suez and the MLF, as well as the interplay of personality between Wilson and Johnson. By exploring the relationship of the two leaders in the years 1964-1968, it seeks to examine their respective attitudes to the Anglo-American relationship. The book then assesses the significance of an alleged Anglo-American strategic-economic 'deal', Wilson's 'Commonwealth Peace Mission' to Vietnam, and another Wilson visit to Washington. It also considers why the personal relationship between Johnson and Wilson suffered such strain when the Labour government 'dissociated' the UK from the latest American measures in Vietnam. Next, the book addresses the period from August 1966-September 1967, during which Wilson launched an intense but abortive effort to initiate peace negotiations over Vietnam, and London announced plans to withdraw from military bases East of Suez.

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British foreign policy and the special relationship in the Cameron era and beyond
Simon Tate

Concluding thoughts: British foreign policy and the special relationship in the Cameron era and beyond The first visit of David Cameron to the White House in 2010 took place amongst a flurry of media headlines on both sides of the Atlantic, which all sounded the death knell of the special relationship (see for example BBC, 2010; Lee, 2010; Spector, 2010; Washington Post, 2010). The impetus for the somewhat hysterical reaction was twofold. Firstly that Gordon Brown – the previous short lived incumbent of 10 Downing Street – had had a conspicuously frosty

in A special relationship?
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Anglo-American relations and the intangibles of ‘specialness’

This book examines how intangible aspects of international relations – including identity, memory, representation, and symbolic perception – have helped to stimulate and sustain the Anglo-American special relationship. Drawing together world-leading and emergent scholars, this volume breaks new ground by applying the theories and methodologies of the ‘cultural turn’ in diplomatic history to the study of Anglo-American relations. It contends that matters of culture have been far more important to the special relationship than previously allowed in a field hitherto dominated by interest-based interpretations of American and British foreign policies. Fresh analyses of cultural symbols, discourses, and ideologies fill important gaps in our collective understanding of the special relationship’s operation and expose new analytical spaces in which we can re-evaluate its strengths and weaknesses. Designed to breathe new life into old debates about the relationship’s purported specialness, this book offers a multidisciplinary exploration of literary representations, screen representations, political representations, representations in memory, and the roles of cultural connections and constructs that have historically influenced elite decision-making and sculpted popular attitudes toward and expectations of the special relationship. This book will be of particular interest to students and informed readers of Anglo-American relations, foreign policy, and diplomatic history, as well as all those who are interested in the power of culture to impact international relations.

Open Access (free)
US–UK relations in the era of détente, 1969–77
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This is the first monograph length study that charts the coercive diplomacy of the administrations of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford as practiced against their British ally in order to persuade Edward Heath’s government to follow a more amenable course throughout the ‘Year of Europe’ and to convince Harold Wilson’s governments to lessen the severity of proposed defence cuts. Such diplomacy proved effective against Heath but rather less so against Wilson. It is argued that relations between the two sides were often strained, indeed, to the extent that the most ‘special’ elements of the relationship, that of intelligence and nuclear co-operation, were suspended. Yet, the relationship also witnessed considerable co-operation. This book offers new perspectives on US and UK policy towards British membership of the European Economic Community; demonstrates how US détente policies created strain in the ‘special relationship’; reveals the temporary shutdown of US-UK intelligence and nuclear co-operation; provides new insights in US-UK defence co-operation, and revaluates the US-UK relationship throughout the IMF Crisis.

Open Access (free)
Jeffrey Flynn

hard to deny the ‘special relationship between photography and humanitarianism’ ( Fehrenbach and Rodogno, 2015 : 4). Advances in technology, such as the portable Kodak introduced by George Eastman in 1888, secured this connection just before and after the turn of the nineteenth century, as images from multiple waves of Indian famine were disseminated (1876–78, 1896–97, 1899–1900) and ‘atrocity photographs’ distributed by The Congo Reform Association (1903–13) generated moral

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs