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: ‘Kidnapping is an archetypal challenge to state authority: it is a crime against a person that, if unchecked, makes it clear that “people” (and not the state) rule. The ascent of the snatch racket marks a moment when opportunities for criminals outstripped both the capacity and perception of state power, and its diminution signals a significant reordering of that perspective and structure of state power’ (2006: 18–44). Bibliography Bapat , N. A. ( 2006 ), ‘ State Bargaining with Transnational Terrorist Groups ’, International Studies Quarterly , 50 : 1 , 213 – 29

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

, where no one is entirely sure what the rules are (and thus what the punishments might be for breaking them) and where states must proceed by trial and error. Strengthened sovereignty and a weakening of liberal norms will, however, necessitate humanitarians and human rights workers dealing with governments who can say no to them like never before. This risks exacerbating the humanitarian suffering of people caught up in or active in conflicts, and threatens a worsening human rights outlook for those who would challenge state authority (both of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The Empire of Clouds in north-east India

In 1841, the Welsh sent their first missionary, Thomas Jones, to evangelise the tribal peoples of the Khasi Hills of north-east India. This book follows Jones from rural Wales to Cherrapunji, the wettest place on earth and now one of the most Christianised parts of India. It is about the piety and practices, the perceptions and prejudices of people in early nineteenth century Wales. The book is also about the ways in which the religious ambitions of those same people operated upon the lives and ideas of indigenous societies of the distant Khasi Hills of north-eastern India. It foregrounds broader political, scientific, racial and military ideologies that mobilised the Khasi Hills into an interconnected network of imperial control. Its themes are universal: crises of authority, the loneliness of geographical isolation, sexual scandal, greed and exploitation, personal and institutional dogma, individual and group morality. In analysing the individual lives that flash in and out of this history, the book is a performance within the effort to break down the many dimensions of distance that the imperial scene prescribes. It pays attention to a 'networked conception of imperial interconnection'. The book discusses Jones's evangelising among the Khasis as well as his conflicts with church and state authority. It also discusses some aspects of the micro-politics of mission and state in the two decades immediately following Thomas Jones's death. While the Welsh missionary impact was significant, its 'success' or indeed its novelty, needs to be measured against the pre-existing activities of British imperialists.

Irish autonomy. It analyzes architectural types and techniques associated with the late Elizabethan colonization of Munster, which may be applicable to early modern Ireland in general. The chapter concludes with a study of the tower-house, which was used widely by both Irish aristocracy and English colonial landowners. A key period in Irish history, the reign of Elizabeth began with a medieval, semi-feudal society and ended with a central state authority and displaced ­populations. The Privy Council conceived of the Munster Plantation as a solution to the problem of

in Castles and Colonists

identity. It supports constitutional reform, devolution, constructive engagement in the EU and government action to improve race relations. One Nation Conservatives embraced a similar vision in the 1970s, but this perspective is now most clearly associated with New Labour. The second is an authoritarian individualist perspective, primarily associated with Thatcherite Conservatives, which views enterprise, individual liberty and state authority as the key attributes of British identity. It supports the Union but in seeking to safeguard parliamentary sovereignty and the

in The Conservatives in Crisis
A world turned upside-down?

seizure of the estates for political delinquency. This shifted power in favour of the tenants; one result was widespread rent strikes. It was such threats that encouraged a committed Parliamentarian like Sir Robert Harley to put properties before political interests and instruct his tenants to pay rents to the royalists in possession of his estates. New structures of state authority were created by the Civil War, but these, with their heavy demands, were seen as further sources of disorder. Moreover, in their recruitment of personnel from outside the ranks of the

in Crowds and popular politics in early modern England
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federal one. Parliament at Westminster makes laws for all parts of the United Kingdom, whereas under federal arrangements the power to make laws is divided between central and state authority. In bygone days, royal authority was extended to the component parts of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, either by conquest (in the case of Wales) or by agreed union (subsequently regretted by a section of the population) in the cases of Scotland and Northern Ireland. It was a long time before recognition was given to their separate identities within the context of the United

in Understanding US/UK government and politics
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empire and situates its analysis historically both in terms of the practical development of the international economy over time and in an earlier language of political analysis, reason of state, that stressed the importance of the external world to the endurance of state authority and power. The book is concerned with what states have been able to do under different kinds of international economic conditions, as much of the debate about globalisation is, but concentrates on the consequences of the degree of their discretion for the authority and power of democratic

in Might, right, prosperity and consent

a symbol and agent of colonial state authority in the midst of escalated tensions between the Estado da Índia and the Society of Jesus, including parallel concerns over the physical deterioration of Xavier’s corpse – its state of ‘desiccation’ 4 – and which culminates in the expulsion of this religious order from Goa in 1759. My analysis will suggest that, despite attempts by the Portuguese Crown

in The relic state

pride by ‘kicking polio out of Nigeria’, the implementation of the GPEI has contributed to some Nigerians’ resistance to state authority. While Nigerian government officials have insisted on pursuing the GPEI, some parents have resisted the programme's initial single-minded concern with polio vaccination rather than on other childhood diseases, which they consider to be more life-threatening for their children. 5 Vaccination programmes thus provide insights into

in The politics of vaccination