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Mass violence is one of the defining phenomena of the twentieth century, which some have even called the 'century of genocides'. The study of how the dead body is treated can lead us to an understanding of the impact of mass violence on contemporary societies. Corpses of mass violence and genocide, especially when viewed from a biopolitical perspective, force one to focus on the structures of the relations between all that participates in the enfolding case study. Argentina is an extraordinary laboratory in the domain of struggle against impunity and of 'restoration of the truth'. It constitutes a useful paradigm in the context of reflection on the corpses of mass violence. Its special character, in the immediate aftermath of the military dictatorship, is to test almost the entirety of juridical mechanisms in the handling of state crimes. The trigger for both the intercommunal violence and the civil war was the mass murders by the Ustaša. This book discusses the massacres carried out by the Ustaša in Croatia during the Second World War. After a brief presentation of the historical background, the massacres carried out by the Ustaša militia and their corpse disposal methods are described. Using Rwanda as a case study, the book proposes an agenda for ethnographic research to explore the relationship between concealment and display in contexts of genocide. This relationship is explored in detail after a discussion of the historical background to the 1994 genocide.
Deporting Black Britons provides an ethnographic account of deportation from the UK to Jamaica. It traces the painful stories of four men who were deported after receiving criminal convictions in the UK. For each of the men, all of whom had moved to the UK as children, deportation was lived as exile – from parents, partners, children and friends – and the book offers portraits of survival and hardship in both the UK and Jamaica. Based on over four years of research, Deporting Black Britons describes the human consequences of deportation, while situating deportation stories within the broader context of policy, ideology, law and violence. It examines the relationship between racism, criminalisation and immigration control in contemporary Britain, suggesting new ways of thinking about race, borders and citizenship in these anti-immigrant times. Ultimately, the book argues that these stories of exile and banishment should orient us in the struggle against violent immigration controls, in the UK and elsewhere.
contested. All the Rohingya narratives within this research asserted that state-led attempts to strip them of their citizenship should be viewed within the broader context of state crime. 2 Their demands are for recognition and restoration of their citizenship in Myanmar as an integral part of the pursuit for safety, justice, and restitution. ‘Stateless
short, the last twenty-five years have witnessed a more confident, critical, connected and outward-looking criminology, engaging with the sometimes disturbingly plentiful ‘raw materials’ of mass crime and international justice associated with profound historical events and transitions. While far from ‘mainstream’, there are now substantive works associated with conceptual variants of mass violence: state crime;18 international and supranational crime;19 and atrocity crimes and transitional justice.20 Examples of dedicated institutions,21 journals,22 book series 23
chronological yet based on a theoretical triptych combining theory of desire and mimetic rivalry, a social movement approach to contentious politics and a more criminological research agenda to state crime and extra-judicial killing. I undertake the argument as follows. The aim of Chapter 1 is to offer a succinct history of the Basque clandestine organisation from the late 1940s until the mid-1980s through its depictions in Spanish police and intelligence services archives, newspapers and political discourses, and to reflect upon how such representations
, Gallimard, 2001. 9 A. Landaburu, ‘La venganza de Garzón’ [The revenge of Garzón], Cambio 16 , 7 August 1995. 10 R. Jamieson, K. McEvoy, ‘State crime by proxy and juridical othering’, British Journal of Criminology , 2005 , 45:4, 504
discursive history of twentieth-century international criminal law; A. Weinke , Gewalt, Geschichte, Gerechtigkeit. Transnationale Debatten über deutsche Staatsverbrechen im 20. Jahrhundert ( Göttingen : Wallstein , 2016 ) – English edition: A. Weinke, Law, History, and Justice. Debating German State Crimes in the Long Twentieth Century (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2018). 7 J. A. Pemberton , ‘ Conceptualizing the West in international relations: from Spengler to Said ’, Australian Journal of International Affairs , 58 : 2 ( 2004 ), pp. 301 – 3 . 8 Orford, ‘A
describe as either genocidal or such as to precipitate a general humanitarian crisis in the country concerned, likewise had to be respected; or that the sovereignty of a regime that presided over people starving to death through its own misrule had also to be respected. A system of international law that accommodates such things must surely be accounted gravely deficient. To this it may be counter-argued that the threshold under discussion applies only to humanitarian military intervention; the perpetrators of state crimes may still be brought to justice after the event
character, in the immediate aftermath of the military dictatorship, is to test almost the entirety of juridical mechanisms in the handling of state crimes: adoption of self-amnesty under the military government of General Reynaldo Bignone, in the name of ‘pacification of the country’ and of ‘social reconciliation’ just before his fall; then the creation of the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas, CONADEP) by Raúl Alfonsín, initiator of the democratic transition (1983); the publication in 1984 of the
precipitate a general humanitarian crisis in the country concerned, likewise had to be respected; or that the sovereignty of a regime that presided over people starving to death through its own misrule had also to be respected. A system of international law that accommodates such things must surely be accounted gravely deficient. To this it may be counter-argued that the threshold under discussion applies only to humanitarian military intervention; the perpetrators of state crimes may still be brought to justice after the event. The point is an important one. Dispensing