The police represented dogs as a modern scientific investigative technology which could help to negotiate dealings between rulers and ruled on terms of the authorities' choosing. Ethnographies indicate that dogs occupied an ambiguous position in the beliefs of many African communities in early twentieth-century South Africa. Black South Africans undoubtedly experienced police dogs' 'smelling out' of alleged 'criminals' as oppressive. Members of Parliament with large farming constituencies repeatedly demanded more extensive use of police dogs in the 1920s, whereas in the immediate post-Union period the topic had occasioned mainly back-bench mirth in the House of Assembly. The discourse of modernity legitimating the canine programme rested ultimately on two irrationalities governing state institutional action itself. The short cut to satisfactory outcomes that the canine ritual facilitated thus represented an effective qualification of bureaucratic instrumentality's colonisation of early twentieth-century South African society.
The history and sociology of science has not been well developed in southern Africa as compared to India, Australia or Latin America. This book deals with case studies drawn from South Africa, Zimbabwe (formerly Rhodesia), Mozambique and Mauritius, and examines the relationship between scientific claims and practices, and the exercise of colonial power. European intellectuals saw in Africa images of their own prehistory and societal development. The book reveals the work of the Swiss naturalist and anthropologist Henri Junod. The relative status of Franco-Mauritian, Creoles and Indo-Mauritian peasants was an important factor in gaining knowledge of and access to canes. After the Boer War, science was one of the regenerating forces, and the British Association found it appropriate to hold its 1905 meetings in the Southern African subcontinent. White farmers in the Cape Colony in the late nineteenth century often greeted with suspicion the enumeration of livestock and crop. The book focuses on the connections between the apartheid state's capacity to count and to control. Apartheid statecraft included aspirations of totalising modes of racialised knowledge. Included in the theme of state rationality and techniques of domination is the specialized use of dogs by police in apprehending black alleged criminals. The book discusses the Race Welfare Society, which turned to eugenics for a blueprint on how to cultivate a healthy and productive white population. However, George Gale and Sidney and Emily Kark advocated socialised medicine, and had a genuine desire to promote the broad health needs of Africans.
power has therefore received considerable attention. This
volume offers further evidence of such linkages. Deborah Posel, for
instance, argues for the salience of statistics and the ‘mania for
measurement’ in the apartheid state’s attempt to manage and
control South Africa’s various population ‘groups’.
Also addressing the theme of staterationality and techniques of
domination, Keith Shear writes of
Hannah Jones, Yasmin Gunaratnam, Gargi Bhattacharyya, William Davies, Sukhwant Dhaliwal, Emma Jackson, and Roiyah Saltus
was nervousness about
asking questions which might produce critical findings about the Home Office as
one of its major clients (see Living
Research Six ).
The Home Office's own statedrationality for the Go Home vans
was an economic one, as set out in their published evaluation (Home Office, 2013 ). Voluntary
repatriations of ‘illegal immigrants’ cost the government on
average £1,000 per person, while enforced ones
Limitations, and Marine Fisheries Research in East Africa,
1917–53’, in Brett Bennett and Joseph Hodge (eds), Science
and Empire: Knowledge and Networks of Science across the British
Empire, 1800– 1979 (Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan 2011 ), pp. 253–74.
Elizabeth Lunstrum, ‘StateRationality
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis, and Kostas Ifantis
are important factors towards a viable negotiating order: ‘a successful intergovernmental regime designed to manage economic interdependence through
negotiated policy co-ordination.’17 In brief, despite its many critics (who are particularly sceptical of the theory’s working assumptions on staterationality and
its tendency to downplay the impact of decision rules and institutional preferences), Moravcsik’s ‘new intergovernmentalism’ represents a attempt to bridge
the gap between neofunctionalist pre-theorising and ‘substantive’ theorising,
by proposing a
these conditions, the
Commission and the ECJ have a particularly crucial role to play in developing and overseeing this regulation. In effect, the member states allow themselves to be locked into a particular institutional and policy design because
they mistrust one another (Marks et al. 1996: 355).
A final constraint is the emphasis on ‘unintended consequences’. Member
staterationality is bounded by time, resources, knowledge, multiple values,
precedent and organisational limitations (Hogwood and Gunn 1984: 50).
Stripped of the ability to continually scan policy