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Magdalena Figueredo
Fabiana Larrobla

Between 1975 and 1979, thirty-one unidentified bodies bearing marks of torture appeared at various locations along Uruguays coastline. These bodies were material proof of the death flights implemented in neighbouring Argentina after the military coup. In Uruguay, in a general context of political crisis, the appearance of these anonymous cadavers first generated local terror and was then rapidly transformed into a traumatic event at the national level. This article focuses on the various reports established by Uruguayan police and mortuary services. It aims to show how,the administrative and funeral treatments given at that time to the dead bodies, buried anonymously (under the NN label) in local cemeteries, make visible some of the multiple complicities between the Uruguayan and Argentinean dictatorships in the broader framework of the Condor Plan. The repressive strategy implemented in Argentina through torture and forced disappearance was indeed echoed by the bureaucratic repressive strategy implemented in Uruguay through incomplete and false reports, aiming to make the NN disappear once again.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Defeat by state repression?
Ashley Lavelle

chapter 5 The full force of the law: defeat by state repression? State repression has been an important aspect of the experience of political defeat, as we saw cursorily with the discussion of Christopher Hill’s work on the English Revolution. For most of the radicals discussed throughout this book, state repression was part of their lived experience (Fry, 1983: x–xi). Indeed, any discussion of state responses to radicalism serves as a reminder of the lengths to which rulers will go to protect their fiefdoms from any breakouts of resistance, and it is important

in The politics of betrayal

In the social sciences, recognition is considered a means to de-escalate conflicts and promote peaceful social interactions. This volume explores the forms that social recognition and its withholding may take in asymmetric armed conflicts. It discusses the short- and long-term risks and opportunities which arise when local, state and transnational actors recognise armed non-state actors (ANSAs), mis-recognise them or deny them recognition altogether.

The first part of the volume contextualises the politics of recognition in the case of ANSAs. It provides a historical overview of recognition regimes since the Second World War and their diverging impacts on ANSAs’ recognition claims. The second part is dedicated to original case studies, centring on specific conflict phases and covering ANSAs from all over the world. Some examine the politics of recognition during armed conflicts, others in conflict stalemates, and others still in mediation and peace processes. The third part of the volume discusses how the politics of recognition impacts practitioners’ engagement with conflict parties, gives an outlook on policies vis-à-vis ANSAs, and sketches trajectories for future research in the field.

The volume shows that, while non-recognition prevents conflict transformation, the recognition of armed non-state actors may produce counterproductive precedents and new modes of exclusion in intra-state and transnational politics.

A lost cause?
Ashley Lavelle

chapter 4 1960s radicals and political defeat: a lost cause? After the 1960s rebellions, hope and resistance soon gave way to despair and retreat: as Mike Davis has observed, the eclipse of this radical period in the US was characterised by downturns in levels of political activity, splits within organisations such as the SDS, mass state repression targeted at the Black Panthers and others, and, most crucially, a steep decline in class struggle (Davis, 1986: 222–3). Tom Hayden recalled the ‘death upon death’ inflicted on the left (Hayden, 1988: 505). Hirschman

in The politics of betrayal
Sagarika Dutt

globalized world Doordarshan (Indian television). However, The Hindu, a newspaper published in south India, observed on the occasion of Doordarshan’s thirty-third birthday, that it purveys a ‘distinctive Hindi belt kitsch’ and that ‘on Doordarshan today ethnic diversity is not the norm, it is show-cased as being Naga dancers with feathers or a self-consciously announced Tamil bhakti geet’ (religious song).The norm is ‘a mish-mash, semi-prosperous northern urban culture’ (Ninan, 1992: 3). Insurgency and state repression Insurgent groups abound in the north-eastern states

in India in a globalized world
Democratic discourse and the Chartist challenge
Peter Gurney

of defeat and state repression by adopting a continental language of ‘social democracy’. This chapter also considers the linguistic and institutional splitting that gathered pace after the climacteric of 1848. Firmly rejecting Chartist definitions of democracy and eager to forge an identity between the diffusion of consumer goods and the spread of democratic rights, free trade radicals in particular began to renew attempts to reach out to the better-off stratum of the working class; Trevelyan’s apposite remark about John Bright grasping the internal connection

in Wanting and having
Abstract only
Algerian communists and the new Algeria
Allison Drew

ferocity of state repression against its activists. Its ranks had been severely depleted through arrest, internment, imprisonment and death, and some communists had joined the FLN. Indeed, the party’s leaders acknowledged, ‘during the war there was a time when the Party became “embryonic” as a result of its terrible losses’. Inevitably, the war had undermined the party’s internal democratic

in We are no longer in France
From workers’ resistance in the 1990s to the post-2017 uprisings
Kayhan Valadbaygi

the largest group of the Iranian working class. It also registers the emergence of the new poor as the growing section of the Iranian poor under neoliberalism by identifying unemployed young people, in the age group 15–29 years with a university degree and little prospect for a better life, as the new poor. Despite state repression, the chapter shows that workers and the poor have constantly fought against

in Capitalism in contemporary Iran

This book explores the reasons and justifications for the Chinese state’s campaign to erase Uyghur identity, focusing, in particular, on how China’s manipulation of the US-led Global War on Terror (GWOT) has facilitated this cultural genocide. It is the first book to address this issue in depth, and serves as an important rebuttal to Chinese state claims that this campaign is a benign effort to combat an existential extremist threat. While the book suggests that the motivation for this state-led campaign is primarily China’s gradual settler colonization of the Uyghur homeland, the text focuses on the narrative of the Uyghur terrorist threat that has provided international cover and justification for the campaign and has shaped its ‘biopolitical’ nature. It describes how the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was able to successfully implicate Uyghurs in GWOT and, despite a lack of evidence, brand them internationally as a serious terrorist threat within the first year of the war. In recounting these developments, the book offers a critique of existing literature on the Uyghur terrorist threat and questions the extent of this threat to the PRC. Finding no evidence for the existence of such a threat when the Chinese state first declared its existence in 2001, the book argues that a nominal Uyghur militant threat only emerged after over a decade of PRC suppression of Uyghur dissent in the name of counterterrorism, facilitating a ‘self-fulfilling prophecy’ that has served to justify further state repression and ultimately cultural genocide.

Sam King

to overlook state support given in the production process itself, instead emphasising fiscal and financial support, 2 state repression and military, legal and regulatory functions. For example, Gowan points out that the huge scale of modern advanced plants requires such a scale of cheap credit that states must be ‘deeply implicated in creating the conditions for the supply of

in Imperialism and the development myth