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Between 1975 and 1979, thirty-one unidentified bodies bearing marks of torture appeared at various locations along Uruguays coastline. These bodies were material proof of the death flights implemented in neighbouring Argentina after the military coup. In Uruguay, in a general context of political crisis, the appearance of these anonymous cadavers first generated local terror and was then rapidly transformed into a traumatic event at the national level. This article focuses on the various reports established by Uruguayan police and mortuary services. It aims to show how,the administrative and funeral treatments given at that time to the dead bodies, buried anonymously (under the NN label) in local cemeteries, make visible some of the multiple complicities between the Uruguayan and Argentinean dictatorships in the broader framework of the Condor Plan. The repressive strategy implemented in Argentina through torture and forced disappearance was indeed echoed by the bureaucratic repressive strategy implemented in Uruguay through incomplete and false reports, aiming to make the NN disappear once again.
chapter 5 The full force of the law: defeat by state repression? State repression has been an important aspect of the experience of political defeat, as we saw cursorily with the discussion of Christopher Hill’s work on the English Revolution. For most of the radicals discussed throughout this book, state repression was part of their lived experience (Fry, 1983: x–xi). Indeed, any discussion of state responses to radicalism serves as a reminder of the lengths to which rulers will go to protect their fiefdoms from any breakouts of resistance, and it is important
In the social sciences, recognition is considered a means to de-escalate
conflicts and promote peaceful social interactions. This volume explores the
forms that social recognition and its withholding may take in asymmetric armed
conflicts. It discusses the short- and long-term risks and opportunities which
arise when local, state and transnational actors recognise armed non-state
actors (ANSAs), mis-recognise them or deny them recognition altogether.
The
first part of the volume contextualises the politics of recognition in the case
of ANSAs. It provides a historical overview of recognition regimes since the
Second World War and their diverging impacts on ANSAs’ recognition claims. The
second part is dedicated to original case studies, centring on specific conflict
phases and covering ANSAs from all over the world. Some examine the politics of
recognition during armed conflicts, others in conflict stalemates, and others
still in mediation and peace processes. The third part of the volume discusses
how the politics of recognition impacts practitioners’ engagement with conflict
parties, gives an outlook on policies vis-à-vis ANSAs, and sketches
trajectories for future research in the field.
The volume shows that, while
non-recognition prevents conflict transformation, the recognition of armed
non-state actors may produce counterproductive precedents and new modes of
exclusion in intra-state and transnational politics.
chapter 4 1960s radicals and political defeat: a lost cause? After the 1960s rebellions, hope and resistance soon gave way to despair and retreat: as Mike Davis has observed, the eclipse of this radical period in the US was characterised by downturns in levels of political activity, splits within organisations such as the SDS, mass state repression targeted at the Black Panthers and others, and, most crucially, a steep decline in class struggle (Davis, 1986: 222–3). Tom Hayden recalled the ‘death upon death’ inflicted on the left (Hayden, 1988: 505). Hirschman
globalized world Doordarshan (Indian television). However, The Hindu, a newspaper published in south India, observed on the occasion of Doordarshan’s thirty-third birthday, that it purveys a ‘distinctive Hindi belt kitsch’ and that ‘on Doordarshan today ethnic diversity is not the norm, it is show-cased as being Naga dancers with feathers or a self-consciously announced Tamil bhakti geet’ (religious song).The norm is ‘a mish-mash, semi-prosperous northern urban culture’ (Ninan, 1992: 3). Insurgency and state repression Insurgent groups abound in the north-eastern states
of defeat and state repression by adopting a continental language of ‘social democracy’. This chapter also considers the linguistic and institutional splitting that gathered pace after the climacteric of 1848. Firmly rejecting Chartist definitions of democracy and eager to forge an identity between the diffusion of consumer goods and the spread of democratic rights, free trade radicals in particular began to renew attempts to reach out to the better-off stratum of the working class; Trevelyan’s apposite remark about John Bright grasping the internal connection
ferocity of state repression against its activists. Its ranks had been severely depleted through arrest, internment, imprisonment and death, and some communists had joined the FLN. Indeed, the party’s leaders acknowledged, ‘during the war there was a time when the Party became “embryonic” as a result of its terrible losses’. Inevitably, the war had undermined the party’s internal democratic
to overlook state support given in the production process itself, instead emphasising fiscal and financial support, 2 state repression and military, legal and regulatory functions. For example, Gowan points out that the huge scale of modern advanced plants requires such a scale of cheap credit that states must be ‘deeply implicated in creating the conditions for the supply of
violent state repression led to further violence from resistors, creating an ongoing cycle: ‘funerals leading to more funerals, attacks leading to counterattacks’. 65 Violence escalated dramatically in the first half of 1985. In March that year, eight Uitenhage Amabutho members were killed by police. The funeral was to take place in KwaNobuhle, one of the Uitenhage townships, on 21 March, the twenty-five-year anniversary of the Sharpeville Massacre. Unknown to attendees, the funeral had been banned the previous day, giving the police the power to prevent it from taking
This book explores the reasons and justifications for the Chinese state’s campaign to erase Uyghur identity, focusing, in particular, on how China’s manipulation of the US-led Global War on Terror (GWOT) has facilitated this cultural genocide. It is the first book to address this issue in depth, and serves as an important rebuttal to Chinese state claims that this campaign is a benign effort to combat an existential extremist threat. While the book suggests that the motivation for this state-led campaign is primarily China’s gradual settler colonization of the Uyghur homeland, the text focuses on the narrative of the Uyghur terrorist threat that has provided international cover and justification for the campaign and has shaped its ‘biopolitical’ nature. It describes how the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was able to successfully implicate Uyghurs in GWOT and, despite a lack of evidence, brand them internationally as a serious terrorist threat within the first year of the war. In recounting these developments, the book offers a critique of existing literature on the Uyghur terrorist threat and questions the extent of this threat to the PRC. Finding no evidence for the existence of such a threat when the Chinese state first declared its existence in 2001, the book argues that a nominal Uyghur militant threat only emerged after over a decade of PRC suppression of Uyghur dissent in the name of counterterrorism, facilitating a ‘self-fulfilling prophecy’ that has served to justify further state repression and ultimately cultural genocide.