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During the final decade of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), young citizens found themselves at the heart of a rigorous programme of socialist patriotic education, yet following the fall of the Berlin Wall, the emphasis of official state rhetoric, textbooks and youth activities changed beyond recognition. For the young generation growing up during this period, ‘normality’ was turned on its head, leaving a sense of insecurity and inner turmoil. Using a combination of archival research, interviews, educational materials and government reports, this book examines the relationship between young people and their two successive states in East(ern) Germany between 1979 and 2002. This time-span straddles the 1989/1990 caesura which often delimits historical studies, and thus enables not only a detailed examination of GDR socialisation, but, crucially, its influence in unified Germany. Exploring the extent to which a young generation's loyalties can be officially regulated in the face of cultural and historical traditions, changing material conditions and shifting social circumstances, the book finds GDR socialisation to be influential to post-unification loyalties through its impact on the personal sphere, rather than through the official sphere of ideological propaganda. This study not only provides insight into the functioning of the GDR state and its longer-term impact, but also advances our broader understanding of the ways in which collective loyalties are formed.
Cyprus is a conflict at the crossroads in more than one sense. It has been the site of one of the most long-standing and protracted conflicts in international politics, bedevilled by a complex interplay of actors and factors at the local, regional, European and international levels. Yet it finds itself at a particularly crucial moment in its historical evolution. This book is divided into four main parts. The first focuses on the internal actors and units of analysis within conflict contexts, and illustrates how and why delving into the dynamics within conflict parties can offer a richer and more comprehensive understanding of the existence, persistence and evolution of conflict. The second book turns to external actors and factors in conflict, and assess how the regional, European and wider international dimensions of the Cyprus conflict have influenced conflict dynamics, in interaction with its internal determinants. The third part broadens this set of approaches by involving the case of Cyprus in comparative analysis, be this on the constitutional features of future solutions, on the role of one internal actor in conflict within European Union, such as the refugees, or on the role of an external actor involved in conflict resolution. The last part of the book broadens out beyond conflict studies strictly defined.
contradictory flaw that threatens the Establishment. Both Robert Peston and Owen Jones recognised this one: that the new regime, for all its individualist and anti-state rhetoric, still depends on the state. Elites require a rule of law, security, a transport infrastructure, an able workforce and social stability to function. But neoliberalism promotes an ever-smaller state, a poorer, less able employee pool, and nods through corporate and super-rich tax evasion on an industrial scale. The international transiency of the new elite means they care
‘methodological nationalism’ (Beck and Sznaider, 2006) or to apolitical, cosmopolitan fancy. Analytical attention to networks recasts the ‘issue’ of integration as a dimension of transnationalism. This attention has two key aspects. First, the substantial gap between state rhetoric on ‘integration’, and structural limitations to integration, must be recognized. This involves drawing attention to the non-integrating population management strategies of the ‘market state’ (Campaign Against Racism and Fascism (CARF), 2003; Fekete, 2009); the circular migration practices and
Éireann), Róisín Shortall, argued that there was a ‘clear onus on the State to make reparation to … [the] women for the abuse inflicted on them’ in the Magdalen Laundries. 17 Kenny similarly expressed his hope that provision would be made not only for those who, as children, had been transferred to the Laundries from residential schools, but also for the women who had worked in the Laundries as adults. 18 However, Ireland's Magdalen Laundries were held in state rhetoric
consistent theme in state rhetoric. Indeed, General Malan perpetually stressed the danger that low morale (and therefore criticism and dissent) could cost South Africa the ‘war’: By disrupting our political and socio-economic set-up, undermining our culture and demoralising us spiritually, our enemies will also be able to undermine South Africa’s military preparedness. The ultimate armed conflict which inevitably has to follow will be a mere formality, because, I assure you, the armies of a morally defeated people have never yet won a war. (Malan, cited in Fensham, Cape
rhetorical appeal on the concrete vulnerability of individuals and families to economic risk: the possibility of poverty and of hardship as much as actual poverty and hardship was a dominant theme in pro-welfare state rhetoric (and in welfare state political thought more generally: see Freeden 2003: 13–16). Lloyd George succinctly expressed the problem: ‘Precariousness of work leads to the servitude of the worker. Certainty of work means freedom’ (23.3.1910, London, BT: 302). The appeal of redistribution was that it would alleviate the distress caused by uncertainty about
and social decline could be observed for France, starting in the 1950s and 1960s at a time when large-scale and highrise public housing estates were hastily built to provide homes for workers recruited by large industrial firms. State technocrats never bothered to survey the wishes of the French, accustomed to a formerly rural society, aspiring to become small homeowners with possibly a patch of green space (BodyGendrot 2017a; Body-Gendrot and de Wenden 2007). Actually, according to state rhetoric, these inhospitable architectural forms were a form of progress
analytically challenging). Note on methods and use of theory In attempting to get at this relationally, situationally enacted exercise of power, IR theorists have engaged in their own ‘practice’ turn, arguing that it is not enough to look at state rhetoric, stated interests or potential resources to understand power. Rather, to grasp the workings of power one needs to look at an entire range of power performances (Sending, Neumann and Pouliot, 2015). This often involves field work in multilateral or bilateral settings and/or extensive qualitative interviews with field
World War. 41 In official state rhetoric the Syrian Armenians’ arrival has been portrayed as a homecoming. The government seems to be doing its utmost to facilitate the Syrians’ refuge in Armenia and encouraging their long-term settlement, although it is limited by its lack of resources, and has to rely on partner and external organisations as well as international organisations like the UNHCR to fund its policies and initiatives. Bureaucratically, however, the state has extended its infrastructure to support the Syrians in every way. The state narrative also