In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, historians of England pioneered a series of new approaches to the history of economic policy. Commerce, finance and statecraft charts the development of these forms of writing and explores the role they played in the period's economic, political and historiographical thought. Through doing so, the book makes a significant intervention in the study of historiography, and provides an original account of early-modern and Enlightenment history. A broad selection of historical writing is discussed, ranging from the work of Francis Bacon and William Camden in the Jacobean era, through a series of accounts shaped by the English Civil War and the party-political conflicts that followed it, to the eighteenth-century's major account of British history: David Hume's History of England. Particular attention is paid to the historiographical context in which historians worked and the various ways they copied, adapted and contested one another's narratives. Such an approach enables the study to demonstrate that historical writing was the site of a wide-ranging, politically charged debate concerning the relationship that existed – and should have existed – between government and commerce at various moments in England’s past.
T H E E N D O F E C O N O M I C S T A T E C R A F T 169
The end of economic statecraft:
David Hume’s History of England
The chronologies of David Hume’s career as a political economist and
his career as a historian are closely intertwined.1 Political Discourses,
the collection of essays containing his principal contribution to political economy, was published in January 1752.2 The work went on
to secure Hume a Europe-wide reputation as a writer on economic
affairs and was, as he noted in his autobiography, his only book
‘successful on the first
E C O N O M I C S T A T E C R A F T A N D E C O N O M I C P R O G R E S S 155
and economic progress:
William Guthrie’s General History
The middle years of the eighteenth century saw the emergence of
a new, enlightened approach to history. Underpinning this mode
of writing was the assumption that the level of progress achieved
in modern-day Europe distinguished it from any previous historical period.1 To an extent, the novel qualities of the present were
conceived of in political terms. With regard to England in particular, there was
C H R O N O L O G Y A N D C O M M E R C E 83
The English Civil War and the
politics of economic statecraft
The relationship between historical writing and the political and
religious conflicts of the 1640s was a complex one.1 Historians of
the period generally emphasised that their loyalty was to the ‘truth’
rather than to any particular faction or party. Hamon L’Estrange, for
example, used the frontispiece to his The Reign of King Charles (1655)
to claim that this was a work ‘Faithfully and Impartially delivered’.2
Similarly, in the preface to his
Dramas of statecraft, mistrust and
the politics of non-membership
Diplomacy and lobbying are often considered to require mutual trust and
common understanding, because these underpin effective communication (Coen
1998, 2007; Woll 2012). Turkish–EU relations, however, are marked precisely
by an absence of mutual trust between officials, economic actors and interest
representatives on both sides. As relations were marked by mutual suspicion, mistrust and wariness on both sides, Turkish actors engaged in a curious politics of
posited that authoritarian regimes can pass the costs of coping with sanctions impacts on to their people ( Haggard and Noland, 2017 : 6), which informs Pyongyang’s ability to endure sanctions through repression for average citizens and rewards for the elite ( Peksen, 2016 ).
Past research has considered sanctions against the DPRK from a number of perspectives, including political economy ( Frank, 2006 ; Haggard and Noland, 2010 ), international trade ( Noland, 2009 ), economic statecraft ( Haggard and Noland, 2017 ), US policy ( Stanton et al. , 2017 ) and
In the context of political transitions taking place at the domestic, regional and international levels, this book maps a series of key Saudi and United Arab Emirates (UAE) bilateral relations incorporating the Middle East, the US, Europe, China, Russia, the Horn of Africa, India, Pakistan, Japan, Republic of Korea, Indonesia and Malaysia. It argues that established modes of analysis such as riyal politik and the Islamisation of Saudi foreign policy are somewhat redundant in a changing economic climate and amid evidence of uncertain returns, whilst political consolidation amounting to Sultanism tells only part of the story. The book underscores the role of youth, background, and western affinity in leadership, as well as liberalisation, hyper-nationalism, secularisation, ‘Push East’ pressure and broader economic statecraft as being the new touchstones of Saudi and UAE foreign policy. This volume also sheds light on aspects of offensive realism, dependency theory, alliance patterns, ‘challenger states’ and political legitimacy in a region dominated by competition, securitisation and proxy warfare.
The history and sociology of science has not been well developed in southern Africa as compared to India, Australia or Latin America. This book deals with case studies drawn from South Africa, Zimbabwe (formerly Rhodesia), Mozambique and Mauritius, and examines the relationship between scientific claims and practices, and the exercise of colonial power. European intellectuals saw in Africa images of their own prehistory and societal development. The book reveals the work of the Swiss naturalist and anthropologist Henri Junod. The relative status of Franco-Mauritian, Creoles and Indo-Mauritian peasants was an important factor in gaining knowledge of and access to canes. After the Boer War, science was one of the regenerating forces, and the British Association found it appropriate to hold its 1905 meetings in the Southern African subcontinent. White farmers in the Cape Colony in the late nineteenth century often greeted with suspicion the enumeration of livestock and crop. The book focuses on the connections between the apartheid state's capacity to count and to control. Apartheid statecraft included aspirations of totalising modes of racialised knowledge. Included in the theme of state rationality and techniques of domination is the specialized use of dogs by police in apprehending black alleged criminals. The book discusses the Race Welfare Society, which turned to eugenics for a blueprint on how to cultivate a healthy and productive white population. However, George Gale and Sidney and Emily Kark advocated socialised medicine, and had a genuine desire to promote the broad health needs of Africans.
From Scotland to Somaliland, people want to create new states. This book provides a step-by-step guide to becoming an independent country, from organising a referendum and winning it to getting recognition in the international community. It is a difficult task to make a new state – but it can be done. Written in easily accessible language, the book delves into the legal, economic, and political problems and uses historical examples and anecdotes from all over the world to illustrate the obstacles to creating a new state. Based on the author’s experience as an advisor to the US State Department and the British Foreign Office, this book will be of interest to those who warn against states breaking up as well as to those who aspire to creating new states.