Search results

Abstract only
Costas Panayotakis

Chapter 1 offered a more inclusive reformulation of the surplus, one that takes into account production not just in the capitalist workplace but also in households and the public sector. By contrast, this chapter pays more attention to the practical significance of this concept. It begins by examining the questions of justice that class exploitation raises and continues by addressing the relationship between surplus production and human freedom. Responding to the view of surplus as a society’s “index of freedom,” this chapter argues that only a classless, non

in The capitalist mode of destruction
Costas Panayotakis

Using Marx’s analysis as its starting point, this chapter argues for the need to define the surplus in an inclusive way that takes into account the wealth and surplus production taking place not just in the capitalist workplace but also in the household and public sectors of the economy. Such a rethinking allows a fuller understanding of the interconnections between these different economic sectors and of the ways the capitalist economic system creates divisions within the producers’ ranks. In particular, a brief overview of some of the dynamics of neoliberal

in The capitalist mode of destruction
Alexander Bove

surplus/lack as drive, the drive generative in itself as the structure of the signifier: as Lacan says, following the “Islamic formula— There is no other God but God . There is no other word, no other solution to your problem, than the word” ( Seminar II 158). The dream, like the symptom, is generated by this spectrality of the signifier, its uncanny spectral materiality: “The

in Spectral Dickens
Judith A. Bennett

men to serve with the forces overseas, for representation in the New Zealand Parliament, as well as freer access for young women to domestic work in New Zealand. 45 When the administration imposed duty on sales of US surplus in 1944, upsetting Aitutaki people, one man did ask in a public meeting if they would be better off under the United States, but nothing came of this. 46

in New Zealand’s empire
Austerity, ecological crisis and the hollowing out of democracy

The book analyzes capitalism’s growing destructiveness and the cost–benefit contradiction it generates. Its new conception of the surplus, which recognizes not just capitalist businesses but also households and the public sector as sites of surplus production, links capitalism’s destructiveness to that system’s use of the surplus. Capital’s use of the surplus turns scientific knowledge and technique into forces of destruction, and the book illustrates this dynamic by making reference to the growth of a consumerist culture, to massive military spending, and to other technologies that fuel a deepening ecological crisis. This crisis, along with economic and public health crises as well as a crisis of political democracy, are also analyzed as being intimately linked to capitalism’s use of the surplus. It is capitalism’s undemocratic control of the surplus by capitalist elites, moreover, that ultimately leads to the cost–benefit contradiction of contemporary societies: the futility of our consumerist culture no longer translates productive development into correspondingly growing human well-being, while the simultaneous growth of capitalism’s forces of destruction increasingly endangers human beings and the planet. Thus, this contradiction creates the potential for an opposition to capitalism and its exploitative and destructive nature by a wide range of social movements, both “old” (such as the labor and socialist movements) and “new” (for example, the feminist, anti-racist, ecological, and peace movements). To address capitalism’s contradiction, a democratic classless society is required, but the book also analyzes how capitalism’s operation obstructs the formation of an anti-capitalist coalition fighting for such an alternative.

Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori

prioritised bilateral negotiations. UN institutions were then often used, and even designed, explicitly as vehicles for the pursuit of US interests: the World Food Programme, for example, was established in 1961 to channel American agricultural surplus to the developing world. Liberal internationalism as we know it today, with its particular political and cultural associations with the US, is a product of the 1970s. As Samuel Moyn has argued, it was in the second half of that decade that human rights had its first breakthrough as a cosmopolitan

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design
Mark Duffield

-democratic settlement ( Streeck, 2017 ). Over the last two or three decades, driven by the neoliberalism of the conservative counter-revolution, this social protection has largely evaporated. Insurance- and company-based social protection has historically been limited or absent in the global South. Late-modern precarity begins here first ( Munck, 2013 ). Encouraged by the imposition of structural adjustment, the South’s informal economies began to rapidly expand from the end the 1970s, absorbing the surplus population thrown off as public-sector employment

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Abstract only
Laura Peters

, expelled, sacrificed in order that the family may be seen to regenerate itself. The orphan functions as a pharmakon, a surplus, an excess to be excluded. Conceived of in this way, it is possible then to see how orphanhood became a vehicle for emigration in a scheme which would both rid Britain of its surplus population and settle the colonies with white stock. The emigration schemes highlight the orphan

in Orphan texts
Costas Panayotakis

Continuing this work’s analysis of capitalism’s destructiveness, this chapter explores the ongoing erosion of democracy. This erosion is yet another effect of capital’s undemocratic control of the surplus it extracts from workers. As we have seen, escape from this predicament requires a classless, non-exploitative society that allows ordinary people to democratically control the surplus they collectively produce. Adding to this argument, this chapter also questions the ideological understanding of communism as antithetical to democracy. Fueling this

in The capitalist mode of destruction
Abstract only
Heike Wieters

agricultural surplus commodities came into the picture, as a result of the inability of US policymakers to reduce wartime production incentives. It was primarily due to voluntary agency efforts (in close cooperation with agricultural producers’ groups) that a growing proportion of these un-sellable surplus stocks were channeled through the private agencies for humanitarian purposes and hunger relief. These

in The NGO CARE and food aid From America, 1945–80