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David Arter

6 Party system change since 1970 The structure of party competition can persist even when the protagonists involved in its promotion change out of all recognition. (Mair 1997) When playing the role of advocatus diaboli, it could be argued that the notion of ‘party system change’ is not only grammatically ponderous but also conceptually imprecise, operationally problematical and, ultimately, of limited utility in understanding the nature of policy-making in pluralist polities. If this seems harsh, it is none the less the case that, despite the extensive

in Scandinavian politics today
The evolving European security architecture
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis, and Kostas Ifantis

6 Institutional imperatives of system change The evolving European security architecture Introduction The European landscape is changing rapidly, not least owing to a series of decisions taken in the second half of the 1990s. In June 1996, NATO’s foreign ministers decided to adopt ESDI ‘within the Alliance’ and to develop the CJTF concept. In May 1997, NATO and Russia agreed to establish a Joint Permanent Council. In June 1997, EU leaders reached agreement on the AMT. In July 1997 in Madrid, NATO agreed on the admission of three new members (Poland, Hungary and

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Ben Clift

3 PS intra-party politics and party system change Ben Clift The left PS intra-party politics and party system change Introduction Approaches to the study of party system change tend to emphasise, on the one hand, broad electoral trends, such as disaffection with ‘governmental’ political parties, or increasing electoral volatility and, on the other, institutional developments, such as changes to voting systems. Such ‘macro’-level analysis can at times treat parties as unitary actors, possessed of one ‘response’ to their changing environment, an approach which

in The French party system
Order and security in post-Cold War Europe
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis, and Kostas Ifantis

5 Geopolitical imperatives of system change Order and security in post-Cold War Europe Introduction This chapter addresses the question of how change at the international system level has produced those political outcomes related to European security and defence design post-Cold War. It is both a description and an evaluation of the way in which Europe’s security arena has changed, as well as an attempt to come to terms with the process that led to the ‘internalisation’ of system change. By ‘internalisation’ we mean the process – or better, the causal

in Theory and reform in the European Union

Today, in many countries what is viewed as ‘credible’ economic knowledge stems from academic economics. The discipline of academic economics is based in universities across the world that employ economists who produce research that is published in academic journals and educate students who then go into government, businesses, and think tanks. Through the book’s authors’ and contributors’ experiences of economics education, and as part of the international student movement Rethinking Economics, it argues that academic economics in its current state does not provide people with the knowledge that we need to build thriving economies that allows everyone to flourish wherever they are from in the world, and whatever their racialised identity, gender or socioeconomic background. The consequences of this inadequate education links to modern economies being a root cause of systemic racism and sexism, socioeconomic inequality, and the ecological crisis. When economies are rooted in a set of principles that values whiteness, maleness and wealth, we should not be surprised by the inequalities that show up. Structural inequalities need systemic change, change that infiltrates through every level of the system, otherwise we risk reproducing and deepening them. This book makes the case that in order to reclaim economics it is necessary to diversify, decolonise and democratise how economics is taught and practised, and by whom. It calls on everyone to do what we can to reclaim economics for racial justice, gender equality and future generations.

Series: Politics Today
Author: David Arter

This book analyses the contemporary politics of the nation states of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden and the Home Rule territories of Greenland, Faeroes and Åland that together make up the Nordic region. It covers Scandinavia past and present, parties in developmental perspective, the Scandinavian party system model, the Nordic model of government, the Nordic welfare model, legislative-executive relations in the region, and the changing security environment. The Nordic states have a shared history, common linguistic bonds and a common state Lutheran religion. Of the six Scandinavian languages, Danish, Norwegian and Swedish are mutually intelligible, whilst Swedish is an official national language in Finland. Turning to a brief overview of nation-building and state-building in the Nordic region, an obvious distinction can be drawn between those 'stateless nations' which went on to achieve statehood and the territories that have not achieved independence. The book presents a brief chronology of events in Norden up to 1922, when Åland achieved autonomy. In Sweden the historic phase of party-building produced a basic two-plus-three configuration and a party system based on five 'isms': communism, social democracy, agrarianism, liberalism and conservatism. By 1930 there was a bifurcated parliamentary left and a fragmented nonsocialist bloc consisting of essentially town-based Liberal and Conservative parties and a farmer-based Agrarian Party. Whilst acknowledging the limitations inherent in the periodisation of party system change, the book focuses on the extent of party system change since the 'earthquake elections' of 1970-73.

Jocelyn A. J. Evans

-system or protest elements, other anti- or indeed pro-European stances are based precisely upon the same elements which form the foundation for domestic ideology and thus as of themselves form no basis for a shift in party system format (Evans, 2000b). A potential source of party system change, however, derives from intra-party disagreements over Europe (Mair, 2000: 36). Parties which by necessity are often broad churches aggregating different ideological streams have been split over the European question both in terms of working within it and reaction to it. Some parties

in The French party system

system. It is clear we need both system change, such as in the distribution of economic resources and power, as well as individual change, such as eating less meat, gender equality and anti-racism training. Another way to think about this is as needing both top-down change, through collective decision-making which changes how governments

in Reclaiming economics for future generations
Michael Marsh, David M. Farrell, and Theresa Reidy

of politics, party system change, populism and generational effects. Structuring the analysis along these lines facilitates both a deep analysis of the 2016 election and the location of the Irish experience in a cross-national perspective. Changing partisan identities: Partisanship has long been low in Ireland by international standards, yet elections have tended to produce relatively stable outcomes over many decades. The year 2016 was an especially volatile election and the final result raises interesting questions about party attachment. As we have noted

in The post-crisis Irish voter
Abstract only
Brian Hanley

Conclusion On 22 January 1980, in what the Irish Times called the ‘biggest demonstration of organised labour in the history of the state’, an estimated 700,000 people participated in trade union marches across the Republic. They were demanding reform of the state’s tax regime.1 Later that year, Tim Pat Coogan lamented that ‘more people marched to get the PAYE system changed in a few days than the North brought onto the streets in ten years’.2 Indeed, the previous year 150,000 people in Dublin had taken part in one of the first tax marches. Then ‘Homer’ in the

in The impact of the Troubles on the Republic of Ireland, 1968–79