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2 HOW THE UYGHURS BECAME A ‘TERRORIST THREAT’ Uyghurs were classified as a ‘terrorist threat’ in the early 2000s, not because of anything Uyghurs did; they were classified as such through a politically motivated process initiated by the PRC and, after intensive lobbying, reified by the US. While this classification only branded one small and little-known Uyghur exile group in Afghanistan as a ‘terrorist organization,’ it has subsequently had major ramifications for all Uyghurs everywhere and especially in China. This classification was unquestionably pursued by

in The war on the Uyghurs
Phil Williams

2504Chap4 7/4/03 12:39 pm Page 69 4 Eurasia and the transnational terrorist threats to Atlantic security Phil Williams The terrorist attacks of September 11 on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon were not only the most audacious and successful terrorist attacks the world has yet seen, but also marked the maturation of what had been described as the ‘new terrorism’. It was a maturation in several senses. In the first place it revealed that trends identified by astute specialists such as Walter Laqueur, Bruce Hoffman and Ian Lesser were, in fact, well

in Limiting institutions?

3 MYTHS AND REALITIES OF THE ALLEGED ‘TERRORIST THREAT’ ASSOCIATED WITH UYGHURS On a snowy February day in 2019, I found myself in a courtroom in Oslo, Norway arguing about acronyms and the alleged Uyghur-led ‘terrorist organizations’ to which they supposedly referred. I was an expert witness for a Uyghur refugee who had gone to Syria to fight for a paramilitary group called the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP) believing he was being trained for a war of liberation, in his homeland. He was now facing charges of ‘terrorism’ in Norway as a result. Given the ways

in The war on the Uyghurs
Kamarulnizam Abdullah and Ridzuan Abdul Aziz

counterterrorism measures since the 9/11 incidents. 3 Indonesia, for instance, adopted several mechanisms, such as the establishment of a special counterterrorism squad called Special Detachment Unit 88, in the aftermath of the 2002 Bali bombings. Furthermore, in 2015, the Tantera Nasional Indonesia (TNI) launched a new counterterrorism squad called the TNI Joint Special Operations Command, or Koopsusgab, to increase the country's effort in combating terrorist threats, especially that from the Islamic State (IS). 4 Yet the Indonesian Government is still grappling with

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Unsteady foundations?
Author: David Brown

This book examines the underlying foundations on which the European Union's counter-terrorism and police co-operation policies have been built since the inception of the Treaty on European Union, questioning both the effectiveness and legitimacy of the EU's efforts in these two security areas. Given the importance of such developments to the wider credibility of the EU as a security actor, it adopts a more structured analysis of key stages of the implementation process. These include the establishment of objectives, both at the wider level of internal security co-operation and in terms of both counter-terrorism and policing, particularly in relation to the European Police Office, the nature of information exchange and the ‘value added’ by legislative and operational developments at the European level. The book also offers a more accurate appraisal of the official characterisation of the terrorist threat within the EU as a ‘matter of common concern’. In doing so, not only does it raise important questions about the utility of the European level for organising internal security co-operation, but it also provides a more comprehensive assessment of the EU's activities throughout the lifetime of the Third Pillar, placing in a wide and realistic context the EU's reaction to the events of 11 September 2001 and the greater prominence of Islamist terrorism.

Globalisation, securitisation and control
Christopher Baker-Beall

formulation of its internal security programme. The events of 11 September 2001 reinforced a perception amongst EU policy-makers that migration control should form a central part of EU counter-terrorism policy, impacting upon the framing of the debate over migration in the EU. This chapter focuses on how the EU’s ‘fight against terrorism’ discourse constructs the ‘migrant’ other as a potential and an implicit terrorist threat through the linking of counter-terrorism to migration and border control policies. The chapter does this by identifying three intertwined themes that

in The European Union’s fight against terrorism
Author: Sean R. Roberts

This book explores the reasons and justifications for the Chinese state’s campaign to erase Uyghur identity, focusing, in particular, on how China’s manipulation of the US-led Global War on Terror (GWOT) has facilitated this cultural genocide. It is the first book to address this issue in depth, and serves as an important rebuttal to Chinese state claims that this campaign is a benign effort to combat an existential extremist threat. While the book suggests that the motivation for this state-led campaign is primarily China’s gradual settler colonization of the Uyghur homeland, the text focuses on the narrative of the Uyghur terrorist threat that has provided international cover and justification for the campaign and has shaped its ‘biopolitical’ nature. It describes how the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was able to successfully implicate Uyghurs in GWOT and, despite a lack of evidence, brand them internationally as a serious terrorist threat within the first year of the war. In recounting these developments, the book offers a critique of existing literature on the Uyghur terrorist threat and questions the extent of this threat to the PRC. Finding no evidence for the existence of such a threat when the Chinese state first declared its existence in 2001, the book argues that a nominal Uyghur militant threat only emerged after over a decade of PRC suppression of Uyghur dissent in the name of counterterrorism, facilitating a ‘self-fulfilling prophecy’ that has served to justify further state repression and ultimately cultural genocide.

process.1 This was the first time that the gradually escalating violence inside the Uyghur homeland had spilled into inner China, and, as such, it helped to escalate the fear of the alleged ‘terrorist threat’ posed by Uyghurs inside the PRC to a new level. At the time, I was asked by CNN.com to write an opinion column on the incident, and in that piece, I raised skepticism about this event’s connection to an organized threat with ties to international ‘terrorism’ networks, given the rudimentary nature of the attack.2 The response I received from Chinese netizens was

in The war on the Uyghurs
The War on Terror and the resurgence of hillbilly horror after 9/11
Linnie Blake

5 ‘Squealing like a pig’: the War on Terror and the resurgence of hillbilly horror after 9/11 In a manner intriguingly reminiscent of President Bush’s Orientalist vilification of the terrorist threat in the months following the horrific events of 9 September 2001, the United States has a very long history of representing the inhabitants of its own isolated rural places or backwoods communities as monstrous, grotesque, diseased and polluted. Emerging as it did from the trauma of the Revolutionary War the foundational study of Colonial period self-image that is

in The wounds of nations

counterterrorism, 2002–2012 STATE PROPAGANDA’S TRANSITION FROM ‘SEPARATISTS’ TO ‘TERRORISTS’ AND THE EARLY YEARS OF CHINA’S ‘WAR ON TERROR’ Initially, the international recognition of ETIM as a ‘terrorist threat’ had little impact on Uyghurs inside their homeland. As suggested above, the state’s primary ‘security concern’ in the Uyghur homeland after 2001, like during the 1990s, remained indigenous calls for self-determination, which the state defined broadly as any expression of nationalism or of non-state-approved religiosity. Furthermore, its strategy for dealing with this

in The war on the Uyghurs