The extent of bastardy among theelite
n spite of historians’ extensive efforts to assess the extent and scope of illegitimacy
among the population outside the gentry and nobility, there has been very little consideration of the scale of the phenomenon as it affected these groups in theelite. It may be
argued that this relative neglect is a consequence of an underlying assumption, that bastardy
was relatively insignificant and declining, or that it was effectively no more than a dimension
of the more widely studied field of non-elite social history. One
The British royal family has experienced a resurgence in public interest in recent years. During the same period, global inequalities have expanded, leaving huge chasms of wealth inequality between ‘the elites’ and ‘the rest’. Yet, the monarchy is mostly absent from conversations about contemporary inequalities, dismissed as an archaic and irrelevant institution. This is the only book to argue that we cannot talk about inequalities in Britain today without talking about the monarchy. Running the Family Firm is about the contemporary British monarchy (1953 to present). It argues that media representations (of, for example, royal ceremonies or royal babies) are the ‘frontstage’ of monarchy: this is what we usually see. Meanwhile, ‘backstage’, there are a host of political-economic infrastructures that reproduce the institution: this is what we don’t typically see. This book pulls back the stage curtain of monarchy and exposes what is usually hidden: how it looks versus how it makes its money and power. Drawing on case studies of key royal figures – the Queen, Prince Charles, Prince Harry, Kate Middleton and Meghan Markle – the book argues that media representations of the royal family are carefully stage-managed to ‘produce consent’ for monarchy in the public imagination. That is, the corporate power of monarchy (the Firm) is disguised through media representations of the royal family (the Family Firm). In so doing, the book probes conventional understandings of monarchy, and offers a unique and radical answer to the question ‘why does monarchy matter?’
that the ideology did in fact influence many of theelite who had seen their monopoly on power increasingly challenged in recent years. Some of theelite I knew in the period prior to the genocide seemed to sincerely hate the Tutsi, blaming them for attacking the country and exploiting its population ( Longman, 2010 ).
A final area where scholarship has challenged the argument in Leave None to Tell is one that Des Forges herself embraced fully in subsequent years: the involvement of the RPF in violence against civilians. We have gained
posited that authoritarian regimes can pass the costs of coping with sanctions impacts on to their people ( Haggard and Noland, 2017 : 6), which informs Pyongyang’s ability to endure sanctions through repression for average citizens and rewards for theelite ( Peksen, 2016 ).
Past research has considered sanctions against the DPRK from a number of perspectives, including political economy ( Frank, 2006 ; Haggard and Noland, 2010 ), international trade ( Noland, 2009 ), economic statecraft ( Haggard and Noland, 2017 ), US policy ( Stanton et al. , 2017 ) and
This is an exploration of the extent and implications of the pre- and extra-marital relationships of the gentry and nobility in the period 1450–1640 in the north of England. It challenges assumptions about the extent to which such activity declined in the period in question, and hence about the impact of Protestantism and other changes to the culture of the elite. The book is a major contribution to the literature on marriage and sexual relationships, on family and kinship and their impacts on wider social networks, and on gender.
-level, as opposed to a three-level, game in which the Yes side was at a structural disadvantage vis-à-vis its opponents. It thus loomed large in the defeat of devolution in the referendum.
As discussed below, there are three main aspects in theelite actors’ failure to Europeanise self-government in the 1970s. 1 First, they perceived the European Union in a negative way, as a centralising, undemocratic and capitalist organisation which was deeply threatening for Scotland. Second, largely due to this
Evidence for supportive coverage and the elite-driven model
Piers Robinson, Peter Goddard, Katy Parry, Craig Murray, and Philip M. Taylor
‘Supporting our boys in battle’: Evidence
for supportive coverage and theelite-driven
This chapter focuses on the evidence emerging from our study for the supportive coverage predicted by theelite-driven model. We draw on the range of measures detailed in Chapter 3 – sources, reporter approach, subjects and framing
– together with examples from television and press coverage and interviews
with journalists, in order to provide a detailed assessment of the extent to which
television and the press generated supportive coverage. We then provide an
This book analyses British news media coverage of the 2003 invasion of Iraq. It describes the analytical framework that serves as the basis for theoretically informed and systematic analysis of wartime media performance. The book synthesises a range of models, hypotheses and explanatory variables to set out a framework composed of three models of news media performance: the elite-driven model, the independent model and the oppositional model. It provides three case studies which, in different ways, illuminate each model of news media performance in wartime. The three case studies include the case of Jessica Lynch, the case of Ali Abbas and the case of the anti-war movement. The book then presents an account of how the relationship between foreign policy, news media and war might be expected to operate, based on current theoretical understanding. In order to place British coverage of the invasion in context, the book offers brief summaries of the structure and character of Britain's television news services and its press. The book provides an analysis of the ways in which the news media's visual depictions of the war reinforced supportive coverage. It is devoted to documenting and analysing evidence for negotiated and oppositional coverage. The book also examines the representation of civilian casualties, military casualties and humanitarian operations across both television and press, three subject areas that generated a good deal of media criticism.
castles may have been called upon to play a role in the power politics of the western and northern borderlands, but most of the nobility preferred to reside in undefended manor houses. The latter offered the owner prestige in its traditional or Renaissance decorations, comfort in its new uses of space, and even security by not posing a threat to the suspicious and ruthless Tudor monarchs. Yet late in Elizabeth’s reign and well into James’s, some members of theelite chose to erect what they termed ‘castles’, structures superficially fortified in a style that has been
As Europe was used by elements within theelite on both sides of the issue to secure electoral and political advantage, it is advantageous to define the character of the political elite. The definition of the political elite for the purpose of this book is Members of Parliament. This is because it was they who were directly involved in the political decision-making on Britain's membership of the Common Market, and so the evidence of their behaviour is readily available. Whilst this definition is utilised, however, it is apparent that there