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The Muscovy Company and Giles Fletcher, the elder (1546–1611)

This book tells the story of English relations with Russia, from the 'strange and wonderfull discoverie' of the land and Elizabeth I's correspondence with Ivan the Terrible, to the corruption of the Muscovy Company and the Elizabethan regime's censorship of politically sensitive representations of Russia. Focusing on the life and works of Giles Fletcher, the elder, ambassador to Russia in 1588, it explores two popular themes in Elizabethan history: exploration, travel and trade and late Elizabethan political culture. The book draws together and analyses the narratives of travel, the practicalities of trade and the discourses of commonwealth and corruption that defined English encounters in late sixteenth century. In the early stages of English mercantile contact with Russia, diplomatic negotiations took shape in the wake of developing trade relations and were made up of a series of ad hoc embassies by individuals. The embassy of Giles Fletcher in 1588, however, represented a change in diplomatic tack. Fletcher's writing of Russia reveals some shared Elizabethan images of the land on Christendom's periphery and fundamentally how Russia was used as a site to reflect on themes of cultural development, commonwealth, trade and colonisation. The extensive use in Fletcher's text of the language of anti-popery points to resonances with the anxieties that riddled the political and religious consciences of late Elizabethan England. His work engaged in cajoling the commonwealth to think with the image of Russia.

Mervyn O’Driscoll

appreciated the importance of our [Ireland’s] trading relations with Britain’.11 176 176 Ireland, West Germany and the New Europe Even if Bonn remained sympathetic, internal British party politics and an Anglo-​French entente were the key to unlocking the door to British, and thus Irish, entry. Months before Harold Wilson’s Labour Party’s widely anticipated victory over the Conservatives in the general election of October 1964, Erhard predicted to Kennedy that even a victory by the avowedly anti-​Marketeer Wilson would not spell disaster; he would be forced by ‘economic

in Ireland, West Germany and the New Europe, 1949– 73
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Paul Flenley and Michael Mannin

challenges a confident Russian voice presents to the EAP and to the assumed westward trajectory of several of the EaP member states. It also reveals the limits of any singular conceptualisation of Europeanisation. The chapter indicates the interest-based approach that current Russian governance has taken when dealing with the technical conditionalities that are necessary to facilitate trading relations with the EU and the clear rejection of those conditions which are norms-based. In effect, the distinction is made between instrumental and normative EU-isation, the latter

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood
Reunification of Egypt
Roger Forshaw

fledgling Saite state was quite weak, and Psamtek sought to improve his economic base by establishing trading relations, particularly with the Aegeans and the Phoenicians. Possibly this was a case of rebuilding the trading network that earlier had been established by Bakenrenef. Psamtek moved away from the traditional Egyptian land trade routes to the Near East where he would have been beholden to the eastern governors for access to the Levant. Instead he started looking to the Mediterranean where an extensive trade network already existed and which he could access via

in Egypt of the Saite pharaohs, 664–525 BC
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Sea transport and the cultures of colonialism, c.1870–1914
Author: Frances Steel

The age of steam was the age of Britain's global maritime dominance, the age of enormous ocean liners and human mastery over the seas. This book charts the diverse and often conflicting interests, itineraries and experiences of commercial and political elites, common seamen and stewardesses, and Islander dock workers and passengers. It tracks the beginnings of routine steamship operations in the 1870s and the consolidation of regional trading relations in the Pacific, through to the years immediately preceding the outbreak of the First World War. Charting the rise of the Union Steam Ship Company of New Zealand (USSCo.) and its extension into the island and transpacific trades, the book examines the ways political leaders in New Zealand and Australia recruited maritime transport operations to support regional agendas. Accounts for continuity and change in crew culture heralded by the transition from sail to steam and the rise of managerial capitalism in the late nineteenth century come next. The imperial maritime labour market was racially diverse. The book also examines the presence of stewardesses and passengers, working and living at the 'coal face' of a new world of transport and trade, and Suva's early years as the Fijian capital. It explores how the savages on the shoreline have in fact become peaceable, non- threatening wharf labourers through the transformative reach of imperial transport, communication and trading networks. Under the terms of the Merchant Shipping Act 1823 (the Lascar Act), Indian sailors were not freely entitled to serve on merchant vessels trading internationally.

‘Europeanisation’ or bilateral preferences?
Martin Dangerfield

context’ (Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2013). Until the onset of EU sanctions on Russia at least, the bilateral instruments did not contradict the EU-level multilateral trade framework that regulates member states’ trade with Russia. Rather, they had become increasingly recognised as supplementary processes which illustrate – contrary perhaps to CEE states’ initial expectations – that EU entry did not in fact mean that all competences on economic and trade relations with Russia were now gone (to the Brussels level) and many possible avenues for productive

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood
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Richard Dunphy and Luke March

new models of economic, social and ecological development, empowering citizens, extending the rights of immigrants, refugees and minorities, fighting for gender and sexual equality, exiting NATO and demilitarising Europe, and building fair trade relations with the rest of the world are all familiar themes to readers of this book. The campaign itself was lacklustre. The big rallies in numerous European capitals, inspired by the choice of Alexis Tsipras as Spitzenkandidat in 2014, were absent. As we remarked in the Conclusion, in 2019 EL

in The European Left Party
Open Access (free)
The potential and limits of EU development cooperation policy
Karin Arts and Anna K. Dickson

policies. This is evident in French inability, for so long, to decide whether it wished to put Europe or Africa at the centre of its external policy. It is also evident in the bureaucratic nightmare of multiple Directorates and agencies dealing separately with issues concerning and impinging upon development, and creating, in effect, incoherence between policies. The negotiations for future ACP–EU trade relations began in September 2002. These negotiations aim to create free trade areas between the EC and sub-regions of the ACP group. The implications of this are

in EU development cooperation
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The social dimension of EU–Africa relations
Jan Orbie

the globalisation agenda provided an alternative for the failed labour–trade linkage at the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Instead of a binding linkage between trade relations and social standards, which had been resisted fiercely by developing countries fearing hidden protectionism through lofty social objectives, EU and international policy-­makers opted for a broader and softer approach to international social issues (Orbie and Tortell, 2008).3 The first European Commission communication on Promoting Core Labour Standards and Improving Social Governance in the

in The European Union in Africa
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UK Africa policy in the twenty-first century: business as usual?
Danielle Beswick, Jonathan Fisher and Stephen R. Hurt

– engaging the continent in order to maximise Britain’s political, economic and military advantage and, at one point, supremacy on the global stage. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, these interests were expressed through the exploitative and extractive practices of colonialism and slavery. In more recent times, British interests in Africa have been argued to be focused around economic ties and trade relations – on promoting UK companies and businesses, publicly and privately, and the shaping of accessible and open African markets. As Paul Williams ( 2004 ) notes

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century