At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union (EU) stands out as an important regional organization. This book focuses on the influence of the World Bank on the EU development cooperation policy, with special emphasis on the Lomé Convention. It explains the influence of trade liberalisation on EU trade preferences and provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP), the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution to the phenomenon referred as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The book examines the role of the mass media because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The bolting on to development 'policy' of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. The Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming important components in the EU's efforts to develop into a significant international player. The Cotonou Agreement proposes to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda.
The first attempt to negotiate the
This chapter aims to explain the phase in EU–Mercosur relations which
saw the negotiation of the association agreement without reaching a successful ending. Both parties developed those negotiations under the EMIFCA.
It was agreed that this agreement would be carried out in two phases. The
first phase related to the preparation of the ground for future negotiations
by comparing standards, statistical systems and trade procedures, whilst the
second phase centred on tradeliberalization. The
The European Union’s Common Commercial Policy (CCP) has shaped Europe and its relationships with the rest of the world for six decades by giving central EU institutions the ability to negotiate trade deals, defend against foreign trade practices, and set the trade policy agenda for the Union. The United Kingdom often plays a central role in EU trade politics: it has the second largest GDP of any member state, is the bloc’s largest exporter of services, and has long been a mainstay of the EU’s trade liberalization agenda. This chapter examines the role of the UK in setting current EU trade policy in order to draw conclusions about the likely effects of Brexit, using data from three case studies of recent trade agreements – the EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, and the EU-Singapore Free Trade Agreement – to analyze critical trade policy decisions and the coalitions supporting them. It concludes that the departure of the UK from the Common Market will have a strong destabilizing effect, not just on the economic and social wellbeing of European countries, but also on the often tenuous political consensus that underlies the CCP.
facilitate trade relations and policies, including the
negotiation of tradeliberalization; and
to settle international trade disputes (see section 58 ).
The main bodies within the WTO are
The Ministerial Conference is the main decision-making body. All WTO
members meet there once every two years.
American researchers came to the conclusion that a change in the American trade policy vis-à-vis China had led to a significant deterioration in the physical and mental health, and even mortality, of large sections of the American population. The change in policy concerned the granting, in October 2000, of Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) to China, 19 leading to a major tradeliberalization, which exposed US counties to increased competition to differing degrees. According to the authors, “We find that counties more exposed to a plausibly exogenous trade
-Structure Problem in Foreign Policy Analysis, International Studies Quarterly 36(3), 245–270.
Charillon, Frédéric (2018) Public Policy and Foreign Policy Analysis, in Cameron G. Thies (ed.) Oxford Encyclopedia of Foreign Policy Analysis , Volume 2, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 483–496.
Daugbjerg, Carsten (2014) The European Union: Balancing TradeLiberalization and Protectionism, in Oluf Langhelle (ed.) International Trade Negotiations and Domestic Politics: The Intermestic Politics of TradeLiberalization , London
Brownlie, Principles of Public
International Law (cf. Note 26).
Oliver Young et al ., Public
Scrutiny of Protection–Special Report No . 7
– Domestic Policy Transparency and TradeLiberalization , Trade Policy Research Centre
Chocolate is another lucrative neocolonial industry, with extractive infrastructures established in the period of empire and, more recently, through tradeliberalization (Fold and Neilson 2016 ). Cocoa is grown on smallholder farms in Nigeria, one of the world's leading producers; profits accrue to shareholders who bet on cocoa's future fortunes on speculative financial markets and to the multinational corporations headquartered in Europe and North America who manufacture it into chocolate and sell it at prices out of reach of most
produced. Yet with increasing competition at the global level resulting from tradeliberalization, the competitive position of member states that had specialized in the “low-cost” segment gradually deteriorated. 23
In fact, “economic liberalizations have added to the global market place countries that have vast supplies of labour but very little capital”. 24
Thus Germany and France could now buy even cheaper clothing from the rest of the world, while their technology-based exports remained highly competitive. This did not apply to most of the cheap exports of
The extent to which multilateralism was used to shift orientations of structural power and protect Brazilian autonomy is particularly evident on the regional level of Latin America and even more so on the South American continental level. On trade and economics files Brazil has noisily and forcefully advocated the establishment and consolidation of regional economic groupings such as Mercosul and UNASUL as stepping-stones towards global tradeliberalization, as well as avenues for maintaining the country’s international credibility. Real action, however, has