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Abstract only
Sean W. Burges

Brazilian challenge to existing structural power frameworks this chapter will contextualize Brazil’s shift in identity to ‘global trader’ (Barbosa and Panelli, 1994 ), exploring what this has meant in terms of trade policy on a regional, South–South and global level. From the early 1980s it became apparent that international trade insertion would play an important role in a country’s ability to pursue its own national development and maintain the space it needed to preserve autonomy in the regional and global sphere. Indeed, these became major themes in Brazilian

in Brazil in the world
Holly Jarman

approving mandates for new agreements and concluding deals after negotiation. It defends its markets against unfair trade practices as a single entity. Finally, the EU (in theory at least) negotiates trade agreements with ‘one voice’, with the European Commission representing its member states during talks and at the World Trade Organization (WTO). Since the 1970s, the UK institutions that once dealt with these trade policy functions have evolved to become somewhat vestigial organs of the state. Rather than negotiate trade deals on behalf of the UK, or set unilateral

in The European Union after Brexit
Robert H. Wade

governance, or poverty reduction. The hard-line neoliberals in charge called it ‘cleaning the stables’ from the McNamara era. While working in the Trade Policy Division, I was asked to write a report on how East Asian countries had promoted exports. When I explained that they had integrated export promotion with import substitution like ‘the two wings of the same bird’, I was told that

in The anthropology of power, agency, and morality
Abstract only
The international relations of a South American giant
Author: Sean W. Burges

This book contributes to the construction of an integrated analysis of Brazilian foreign policy by focusing on the country's insertion into both the regional and global system over the roughly twenty-five years through to the end of Dilma's first term as president in 2014. An attempt is made to order the discussion through exploration of a series of themes, which are further broken down into key component parts. The first section presents the context, with chapters on institutional structures and the tactical behaviours exhibited by the country's diplomacy, which will be used to guide the analysis in subsequent chapters. The second focuses on issues, taking in trade policies, the rise of Brazilian foreign direct investment, security policy and multilateralism. Key relationships are covered in the final section, encompassing Latin America, the Global South, the US and China. A central contradiction is the clear sense that Brazilian foreign policy makers want to position their country as leader, but are almost pathologically averse to explicitly stating this role or accepting the implicit responsibilities. The recurrent theme is the rising confusion about what Brazil's international identity is, what it should be, and what this means Brazil can and should do. A repeated point made is that foreign policy is an important and often overloooked aspect of domestic policies. The Dilma presidency does hold an important place in the analytical narrative of this book, particularly with respect to the chapters on trade, Brazil Inc., security policy and bilateral relations with the US and China.

Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori

migration and trade policies, Europeans have increasingly opted for a closing-inwards of the nation state, calling into question the viability of the European project itself. The Brexit referendum, in June 2016, provided a clear example of this. Politics on the periphery has taken a similarly illiberal turn, with more violent consequences. In the Philippines, President Rodrigo Duterte boasts of carrying out extrajudicial killings and threatens to kill corrupt state officials, and he has launched a bloody war on drugs, for which he has been

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Losing friends and failing to influence
Christopher Stevens

9 Economic Partnership Agreements and Africa: losing friends and failing to influence Christopher Stevens Both the Euro-­Africa Summit of December 2007 in Lisbon and its successor in Tripoli of November 2010 illustrate Europe’s difficulty in marrying its rhetorical goal of a strategic partnership with Africa and its trade policy towards the continent. The lofty aims of the Lisbon Summit were lost in a bad tempered row over Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), given that it took place one month before what the EU billed as the ‘ultimate deadline’ for interim

in The European Union in Africa
Daniel Schade

Introduction) this chapter follows an analytical perspective which emphasises that the complexity of contemporary trade policy-making requires researchers to consider more than traditional trade agreements and their negotiations to explain the development of trade ties between trade partners in an increasingly complex international economic setting. The chapter therefore also takes into consideration interlinkages, defined here as (trade) political developments formally outside of the scope of EU–Andean Community negotiations but ultimately influencing their overall scope

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
The establishment of environmental policy as a European policy domain
Christoph Knill and Duncan Liefferink

the beginning of the 1970s, are certainly surprising. How can it be that ‘completely unanticipated in 1957, environmental policy had moved from silence to salience within thirty years’ (Weale 1999, 40)? This question will be answered in the course of the following sections. In doing so, we will illustrate how policy-makers acting without any legislative authority initially made a clever move to increase the EU’s capacity to act in environmental matters: environmental policy was ‘defined’ as trade policy, meaning that it became legitimate in legal terms not so much

in Environmental politics in the European Union
Anna K. Dickson

developing countries. Extension and enhancement of the GSP meant that the tariff difference between Lomé and the GSP became only 2 per cent (Dickson, 2000). Many ACP states will have their preferences further reduced under the Cotonou Agreement and will probably enter new reciprocal regional or sub-regional agreements by 2008. Thus the comparative advantage which the ACP states had in 1975 has been significantly eroded. This chapter seeks to identify the main determinants of EU trade policy in relation to the developing countries. It asks why the EU has adopted trade

in EU development cooperation
From model to symbol?
Karin Arts and Anna K. Dickson

policy is today one of the three principal components of the EU’s external action, alongside trade policy and the political dimension. In addition to the objectives specific to development policy, other factors – such as geopolitics, trade, and global environmental problems – affect the EU’s external choices. . . . In this context, the EU’s objective interests have led it to give priority to the stability and development of neighbouring countries and to aid for countries in crisis in the regions nearest to the EU. Within the changed post-Cold War political

in EU development cooperation