Search results

Abstract only
Mark Garnett and Kevin Hickson

7 The traditionalists1 So how should Conservatives talk? What is the mood they should be seeking to promote? Authority should be the by-word, not freedom. Peregrine Worsthorne, 19782 What the Conservative Party, then, should concern itself with … is the strength of the nation. T. E. Utley, 19783 T he purpose of this chapter is to outline the political thought of the traditionalists associated with the Conservative Party. The core ideas of the traditionalists can be summarised as a strong sense of patriotism, defence of the established social order and respect

in Conservative thinkers
Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
The key contributors to the political thought of the modern Conservative Party

This book is an analysis of the political thought of the Conservative Party. Academic discussions of the Conservative Party have tended to neglect ideology, focusing instead on the 'pragmatic' nature of the Party and its electoral and governmental record. The book traces the ideology of the Conservative Party through its most prominent thinkers. These are Harold Macmillan; R. A. Butler; Quintin Hogg (Lord Hailsham); Enoch Powell; Angus Maude; Keith Joseph; the traditionalists; the 'wets' (most notably Ian Gilmour); John Redwood; and David Willetts. These are the individuals considered by the authors to have made the most important contributions to the political thought of the Conservative Party. Some of them did so through the publication of a major book or even in some cases a series of books. The book provokes two theoretical issues and it is the purpose of the introduction to deal with these head-on. The first relates to the nature of the Conservative Party, which many commentators argue is not an ideological entity. The most widely cited academic perspective of this sort is the 'statecraft' thesis first outlined by James Bulpitt, who argued that the Conservative Party is in fact a pragmatic movement committed above all to winning elections and maintaining power. The second issue raised here is that of why and how the authors have selected the individual thinkers and overlooked others with plausible claims to influence.

Britain and Australia 1900 to the present
Author: Neville Kirk

Explanations of working-class politics in Australia and Britain have traditionally been heavily rooted in domestic 'bread and butter', socio-economic factors, including the much-debated issue of social class. 'Traditional' and 'revisionist' accounts have greatly advanced our knowledge and understanding of labour movements in general and labour politics in particular. This book offers a pathbreaking comparative and trans-national study of the neglected influences of nation, empire and race. The study is about the development and electoral fortunes of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the British Labour Party (BLP) from their formative years of the 1900s to the elections of 2010. Based upon extensive primary and secondary source-based research in Britain and Australia over several years, the book makes a new and original contribution to the fields of labour, imperial and 'British world' history. It offers the challenging conclusion that the forces of nation, empire and race exerted much greater influence upon Labour politics in both countries than suggested by 'traditionalists' and 'revisionists' alike. Labour sought a more democratic, open and just society, but, unlike the ALP, it was not a serious contender for political and social power. In both countries, the importance attached to the politics of loyalism is partly related to questions of place and space. In both Australia and Britain the essential strength of the emergent Labour parties was rooted in the trade unions. The book also presents three core arguments concerning the influences of nation, empire, race and class upon Labour's electoral performance.

Matt Treacy

3 Abstentionism and the growth of internal divisions For traditionalist republicans, the refusal to recognise the parliaments in Leinster House and Stormont symbolised their allegiance to the de jure Republic which they claimed had been illegally overthrown in 1922. For them it still had legitimacy with legal authority having been passed to the IRA Army Council in 1938 by the surviving anti-Treaty Sinn Féin members of the Dáil elected in 1923. Traditionalists, as represented today by Republican Sinn Féin and the Continuity IRA, still adhere to that belief. A

in The IRA 1956–69
Abstract only
Social liberalism and traditionalism
Richard Hayton

the Conservative Party in the period of study was no longer between Eurosceptics and Europhiles, but between social liberals and traditionalists. How this division informed the strategies of Hague, Duncan Smith and Howard and the debate over modernisation is explored. The chapter ends with an assessment of Cameron’s claim that under his leadership the Conservatives came to terms with this dilemma, and evaluates whether his efforts to appear socially liberal whilst also emphasising the centrality of family policy constituted a distinctively Conservative answer to it

in Reconstructing conservatism?
Theology and theologians
Benjamin J. Elton

, which placed him firmly in the traditional wing of the acknowledgement school.16 Rabbinic literature was a different matter, and Frankel dedicated himself to the critical study of the Talmud, particularly the Mishnah, which he analysed in his Darkhe hamishnah (‘Paths of the Mishnah’, 1859). In that work, and elsewhere, he argued that some of the commandments described by the Talmud as halakhah leMoshe miSinai (‘given to Moses on Sinai’) were in fact created later by the rabbis and the Talmud’s term merely implied great antiquity.17 Contemporary traditionalist critics

in Britain’s Chief Rabbis and the religious character of Anglo-Jewry, 1880–1970
Matt Treacy

and becoming a ‘campaigning paper’ on social issues.4 The paper’s editor Tony Meade was in favour of disbanding Sinn Féin and turning the IRA into a new party. He resigned in August 1967 to be replaced by Seamus Ó Tuathail. Those opposed to the new direction had no difficulty in identifying the reasons for the malaise, and traditionalists were resigning in large numbers or being forced out. Goulding, meanwhile, was publicly referring to the IRA’s ‘new tactics’ based on an alliance with the labour movement and campaigning for civil rights and democracy in Northern

in The IRA 1956–69
Benjamin J. Elton

willingness to contribute to its well-being. It fell to Adler as a leader of Anglo-Jewry to show that they were. When we examine Adler’s policies in the context of those of other religious leaders, they again demonstrate that Adler is correctly sited in the traditionalist camp within the acknowledgement school. In his policies Adler had much in common with other members of that group, such as Hildesheimer and Hirsch, while he differed from the antipathy and adaptation schools, and crucially, with those in the non-traditionalist group within the acknowledgement school

in Britain’s Chief Rabbis and the religious character of Anglo-Jewry, 1880–1970
Benjamin J. Elton

secondly and more significantly because Hertz’s religious policies were very important in shaping Anglo-Jewish religious history, and, as we shall see, Hertz’s religious thought was the greatest factor in determining the way in which he led his community. I argue that, like Adler before him, Hertz was a member of the group of traditionalists who wished to acknowledge what they considered to be the valuable aspects of modernity. Although Hertz was part of the scientific branch, he was also influenced by Hirsch – a position which Meirovich regards as impossible, but as others

in Britain’s Chief Rabbis and the religious character of Anglo-Jewry, 1880–1970