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In the twenty-first century, transatlantic relations no longer enjoy the prominence they had in both the foreign policies of the United States and of many Western European countries, as well as in the history of international relations during the second half of the twentieth century. Yet, transatlantic relations remain a focus of study by historians and political scientists, as America and the European Union still are, economically and politically (and, in the American case, militarily), two of the most powerful actors in international
in the last two decades that, together with BMW, they have turned their attention to strengthening transatlantic relations. Promoting transatlantic-orientated ‘responsible leadership’ across an array of professions and not simply among ‘typical Atlanticists’ is a central goal. 33 Bertelsmann’s Transatlantic Policy Lab, in partnership with the Rockefeller Foundation
This study interprets and interrelates the major political, economic and security developments in Europe – including transatlantic relations – from the end of World War II up until the present time, and looks ahead to how the continent may evolve politically in the future. It weaves all the different strands of European events together into a single picture that gives the reader a deep understanding of the continent, and of its current and future challenges. The first chapters trace European reconstruction and political, economic and security developments – both in the East and in the West – leading up to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Later chapters examine the European Union's reform efforts, enlargement, movement to a single currency and emerging security role; the political and economic changes in central and Eastern Europe, including Russia; the break up of Yugoslavia and the wars that ensued; and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO)'s enlargement and search for a new mission. Final chapters deal with forces affecting Europe's future, such as terrorism, nationalism, religion, demographic trends and globalisation.
This book is an interpretive history of transatlantic security from the negotiation of the North Atlantic Treaty in 1948–1949 to the turbulence created by President Trump, British departure from the European Union (Brexit) and the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. The book concludes with analyses of possible futures for the West and observes “the most disruptive force of all has been the American presidency of Donald J. Trump. Trump refused to accept virtually all the political and strategic assumptions on which transatlantic political, economic, financial, and security relations have been based for 70 years. And, given the transatlantic alliance’s heavy reliance on American leadership and involvement, Trump’s lack of commitment has placed huge question marks over the West’s future.”
it,” is popular for a good reason. We do need to learn from history, even if it doesn’t predictably repeat itself. And, as Timothy Sayle has remarked in an excellent new history of NATO’s Cold War history, “If history is not repeating itself, do the policy papers and memorandums of conversation of post-Cold War NATO officials at least rhyme with the archival record?” 4 In the case of transatlantic relations, two global conflicts in the last century led democratic leaders at the end of World War II to agree on some major international steps to try to avoid
“I alone can fix it.” Donald J. Trump, accepting Republican nomination for President of the United States 1 The second major 2016 shock for transatlantic relations came in the United States with the Republican nomination and then electoral victory of Donald Trump – someone who had selfidentified as both a Democrat and Republican over the years and donated money to candidates of both parties. Trump raised concerns throughout the campaign as someone who played on the fears of Americans concerning both terrorism and their own financial well
Union. But it also created uncertainties affecting transatlantic relations, international affairs and the future of the West more generally. As the first of two 2016 quakes that rattled the West, Brexit reflected perhaps the growing power of populist sentiment and rejection of globalism and distance regulation/governance. Brexit turned out to be a warning that neither traditional assumptions nor professional opinion polls could be completely trusted in this new era. Applauded by Vladimir Putin, neo-nationalist and populist politicians in Europe, including France
represented the post-war solidification of a series of ‘special’, highly compartmentalised intelligence relationships spanning the fields of human intelligence, signals intelligence, counter-intelligence, special operations and analysis, which burgeoned in the post-war period and which, because of their specialised nature, were resistant to wider tensions in transatlantic relations. 8
governments remain important agents in this field of study, transatlantic scholars recognized the roles non-governmental actors play in transatlantic relations. ‘Historians of international relations … had’, as Akira Iriye reminds us, ‘virtually ignored’ the activities of non-governmental organizations. 30 Yet, the activities of non-governmental associations such as Greenpeace reminded scholars that there were powers outside the realm of traditional state authority. Gienow-Hecht observed: Aware of the crucial role played by
headed for the White House or the US Capitol, crashed in a field in Pennsylvania after passengers learned of the other three hijackings and decided to try to wrest control of the aircraft from the terrorists. As the United States, Europe, and the world turned their eyes toward the threat posed by international terrorism, important questions remained unanswered about the relationship between the United States and Europe in the alliance. September 11 and transatlantic relations On the morning of September 12, the Paris daily Le Monde headlined their story on the 9