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This book excavates forgotten histories of solidarity which were vital to radical political imaginaries during the ‘long sixties’. It decentres the conventional Western focus of this critical historical moment by foregrounding transnational solidarity with, and across, anticolonial and anti-imperialist liberation struggles. It traces the ways in which solidarity was conceived, imagined and enacted in the border-crossings – of nation, race and class identifications – of grassroots activists.
Exiled revolutionaries in Uruguay, postcolonial migrants in Britain, and Greek communist refugees in East Germany campaigned for their respective causes from afar while identifying and linking up with liberation struggles in Vietnam and the Gulf and with civil rights movements elsewhere. Meanwhile, Arab migrants in France, Pakistani volunteers and Iraqi artists found a myriad of ways to express solidarity with the Palestinian cause. Neglected archives also reveal Tricontinental Cuban-based genealogies of artistic militancy, as well as stories of anticolonial activist networks and meetings in North America, Italy, the Netherlands and Sudan, forging connections with those freedom fighters attempting to overthrow Portuguese colonial rule in Africa. These entwined routes of the 1960s chart a complex map of transnational political recognition and radical interconnections.
Bringing together original research with contributions from veteran activists and artists, this interdisciplinary volume explores how transnational solidarity was expressed in and carried through the itineraries of migrants and revolutionaries, film and print cultures, art and sport, political campaigns and armed struggle. It presents a novel perspective on radical politics of the global sixties which remains crucial to understanding anti-racist solidarity today.
5 Inherently transnational: escape lines Megan Koreman, Diego Gaspar Celaya and Lennert Savenije Every time Hitler and his subordinates made a move towards implementing the Nazi New Order, whether it was branding an entire group of people as undesirable or conquering another country, some individuals slipped into the clandestine world of fugitives living underground. The occupation closed off political migration, meaning that anyone who wanted to escape Nazi persecution during the war had to either hide or steal out of occupied territory. Such fugitives needed
9 Transnational uprisings: Warsaw, Paris, Slovakia Laurent Douzou, Yaacov Falkov and Vít Smetana Steadily, but unevenly, German armies were forced back. On 4 July 1944 Soviet forces crossed the 1939 border between the Soviet Union and Poland and approached Warsaw, the German-occupied key to Eastern Europe. The Allies made slow progress in Normandy after D-Day on 6 June 1944, but on 15 August 1944 the Allied and French landings in Provence broke the German grip on southern France. With their backs to the wall, however, the German armies were still capable of
stimulated to collaborate with other European radio stations. In fact, experimental radio is very much a transnational phenomenon, with collaborations that exceed the neo-avant-garde networks of performances, exhibitions and festivals: the institution of radio brings together neo-avant-garde-minded radio makers and allows for transnational collaboration. Across Europe experimental radio plays were circulating and being translated; and also on a physical level, radio waves do not care about national borders. To be sure, the institutional context puts some pressure on the
Bergman’s encounters with Hollywood, many of which centred on or were initiated by Bergman’s contacts with Dino De Laurentiis, the powerful transnational producer, working out of Rome, but with long-standing interests in the Hollywood picture business. The first relevant document in this respect dates from 9 January 1963, when De Laurentiis wrote to Bergman, inviting him to direct an episode in an omnibus film he was about to produce, called The Bible . De Laurentiis argues that he had already secured the
, institutions, and professional networks that voluntarily took on this role. In doing so, they fulfilled a role that governments could not, and they acted in the name of vital governmental interests. These groups form what we can call the Transnational Transatlantic. Their efforts were behind the creation and perpetuation of a unique political space, an Atlantic Community, as a guiding sign of consensus with which both sides of the ocean could identify. It was also the nucleus for what many perceived to be the future of global governance 9 – the transatlantic core for
In the early 1980s Angela Davis, one of the most visible faces in US Marxist, anti-racist and feminist activism, visited Egypt. The result of the trip was not only a fascinating account of her experiences, published as a chapter in her book Women, Culture, and Politics , 2 but it also marked the formation of new transnational connections of solidarity between Davis and numerous
5217P GLOBAL JUSTICE-PT/lb.qxd 13/1/09 19:59 Page 196 8 Geographies of transnational solidarity Solidarity is not a matter of altruism. Solidarity comes from the inability to tolerate the affront to our own integrity of passive or active collaboration in the oppression of others, and from the deep recognition of our most expansive self-interest. From the recognition that, like it or not, our liberation is bound up with that of every other being on the planet, and that politically, spiritually, in our heart of hearts we know anything else is unaffordable
3995 Migrations.qxd:text 5/8/13 11:38 Page 17 1 Transnational networks across generations: childhood visits to Ireland by the second generation in England Bronwen Walter Introduction The close entanglements of families spread between Ireland and England are often ignored as transnational links, reflecting the hazy understanding of separate states within the ‘British Isles’ especially outside the Irish Republic. But the significance of these ties was demonstrated by the size of return migration of Irish nationals with their British-born children in the Celtic
11 A transnational decolonisation: Britain, France and the Rhodesian problem, 1965–1969 Joanna Warson In 2010, while Francophone Africa was commemorating fifty years of independence, Zimbabwe celebrated a smaller, though by no means less significant, anniversary. 18 April 2010 marked thirty years since the midnight ceremony, attended by Prince Charles and Bob Marley, when the red, green, black and gold flag of Zimbabwe rose for the first time (The Times, 1980, 18 April). It was therefore two decades after the independence of Francophone Africa that white