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Globalising kosher and halal markets
Authors: John Lever and Johan Fischer

Over the last two decades, global demand for kosher products has been growing steadily, and many non-religious consumers view kosher as a healthy food option: in the US over 60 per cent of kosher food consumption is linked to non-religious values associated with health and food quality. This book explores the emergence and expansion of global kosher and halal markets with a particular focus on the UK and Denmark. While Kosher is a Hebrew term meaning 'fit' or 'proper', halal is an Arabic word that literally means 'permissible' or 'lawful'. The book discusses the manufacture and production of kosher and halal meat (both red meat and poultry) with specific reference to audits/inspections, legislation, networking, product innovation and certification. It draws on contemporary empirical material to explore kosher and halal comparatively at different levels of the social scale, such as individual consumption, the marketplace, religious organisations and the state. It compares the major markets for kosher/halal in the UK with those in Denmark, where kosher/halal are important to smaller groups of religious consumers. Denmark plays an important role in biotechnology that is compatible with what we call kosher/halal transnational governmentality. The book explores how Jewish and Muslim consumers in the UK and Denmark understand and practice kosher consumption in their everyday lives. It also explores how 'compound practice' links eating with issues such as health and spirituality, for example, and with the influence of secularism and ritual.

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John Lever and Johan Fischer

important aspect of this is the way in which kosher and halal are moving beyond conventional meat and food production and consumption into biotechnology, for example. Thus, kosher and halal markets signify how material religion has increased in significance within the last two decades or so. Concepts such as transnational governmentality (Ferguson and Gupta 2002), qualification (Callon et al. 2002) and compound practice (Warde 2016) are conventionally applied to ‘secular’ processes, but the empirical data from the UK and Denmark that both conditions and is conditioned by

in Religion, regulation, consumption
John Lever and Johan Fischer

the process of qualification more complex in line with different and often competing regulatory practices. Indeed MBD currently conducts shechita in Poland, Hungary and Romania and MBD-​­certified kosher meat is sold and supplied in unprocessed and manufactured forms in a number of European countries, including Denmark, as will observe below, via market intermediaries. The processes of supervision, auditing and inspections involved constitute forms of what we call transnational governmentality (Ferguson and Gupta 2002). In general MBD inspection and audit processes

in Religion, regulation, consumption
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Claire Sutherland

relied upon to trump local loyalties in times of crisis. For example, the limp flag can become a fluttering rallying point, the ‘national news’ a vehicle for jingoistic reporting, and the pledge of allegiance a focus of patriotic fervour in schools. Ferguson and Gupta ( 2002 , 989) point to how such state practices are being challenged by a form of ‘transnational governmentality’, however, whereby

in Soldered states
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John Lever and Johan Fischer

mainly builds on empirical data from Denmark, but also the UK, the US and Asia. Given the relatively limited local markets for kosher and halal food products in Denmark we found it interesting that a small country such as Denmark plays an important role in biotechnology that is compatible with what we call kosher/​halal transnational governmentality. As we shall see, Denmark is the leading country in the manufacturing of kosher/​halal-​certified enzymes globally. Of course, the trend to have biotech production subjected 79 80 Re l igi on , r e g ul at ion , c

in Religion, regulation, consumption
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Global kosher and halal markets
John Lever and Johan Fischer

political hegemony, or simply gain wealth’ (Lee 1993: 48). Thus, we explore modern kosher and halal as examples of globalised religious markets subjected to tensions at different levels of the social scale. Kosher and halal standards Busch (2000) argues that standards are part of the moral economy of the modern world that set norms for behaviour and create uniformity and this point is important for the emergence and expansion of global and moral kosher and halal markets. Ferguson and Gupta’s (2002) concept of transnational governmentality grasps how new practices of

in Religion, regulation, consumption
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Thibaut Raboin

agencies, but also local government and finally transnational government, together with international institutions such as the United Nations (Fairclough, 2006: 6). All these institutions have in common that they are the policy-makers in relation to asylum – at an international level with treaties and the global management of refugee populations, at a national level with the integration of asylum within the problematic of immigration and at a local level with the management of LGBT asylum seeker and refugee populations (especially in terms of access to welfare). In other

in Discourses on LGBT asylum in the UK
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John Lever and Johan Fischer

globalised market (Gillette 2000; Navaro-​Yashin 2002; Bergeaud-​Blackler 2004, 2005, 2007; Fischer 2008b, 2011; Bergeaud-​ Blackler and Bernard 2010; Lever and Miele 2012; Lever 2013) to show how halal understanding and practice among Muslims should be explored in the context of halal as a globalising, but also increasingly regulated market characterised by what we refer to as transnational governmentality. Nor do any of these studies systematically offer comparisons between national contexts or with kosher. As in the previous chapter, the geographical focus of this

in Religion, regulation, consumption
Criteria for ecologically rational governance
Lennart J. Lundqvist

’ (Pierre and Peters 2000:25, 39). In fact, ‘linkages upward towards transnational government and downward towards sub-national government should be more thought of as state strategies to reassert control and not as proof of states surrendering to competing models of governance’ (Pierre and Peters 2000:16; italics mine). While the role and power of the state can vary between sectors, it retains control over such critical resources in the process of governance as legislation and grants, which gives it a decisive role in producing desired outcomes. The state’s role may in

in Sweden and ecological governance
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John Lever and Johan Fischer

they living in a world where kosher markets are globalising. Even the most ‘secular’ of these consumers must relate to and negotiate the larger issues we explore in this book: kosher as formative 108 109 K osher c on sum er s of distinctions between individuals and groups in everyday life; the specific national and local contexts that frame their lives and ‘kosher globalisation’; including how transnational governmentality (Ferguson and Gupta 2002) frames their everyday choices and how they must practice more self-​discipline in deciding what is and is not

in Religion, regulation, consumption