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Towards supranational governance in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice

The European Commission had become one of the more contentious actors during both Irish referenda on the Lisbon Treaty. This book discusses the role of the European Commission and institutions more generally, as well as the policy area of justice and home affairs. It argues that it is important to evaluate the role of EU institutions for the process of European integration. The book suggests a reconceptualisation of the framework of supranational policy entrepreneurs (SPEs), which is often referred to by the academic literature that discusses the role of agency in European integration. It focuses on the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) at the policy and treaty levels; primarily on four grounds: academic literature, SPE behaviour, EU's policymaking, and the interplay between treaty negotiations and policy-making. To analyse the role of the European institutions, the book combines an analysis of the Lisbon Treaty in relation to the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice with an analysis of the policy-making in the same area. The public policy model by John Kingdon with constructivist international relations literature is also outlined. The external dimension of counter-terrorism in the EU; the role of the EU institutions in EU asylum and migration; and the role of he Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is discussed. The book also analyses the role of the EU institutions in the communitarisation of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, in the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, and thus subsequently in the Lisbon Treaty.

Queen Victoria in contact zone dialogues in western Canada
Sarah Carter

group of thirty St. Peter’s voyageurs accompanied Colonel Wolseley up the Nile for the rescue of General Charles Gordon at Khartoum. 51 This was described in an English journal of the late nineteenth century as ‘surely the strangest contact between East and West that the world has ever seen’. 52 Treaty negotiations were occasions when references to Victoria as a fond and caring

in Mistress of everything
James Whidden

used by the conservatives in a pejorative sense) were sacrificing national security and the welfare of colonised peoples for a pipe dream. Colonial opinion in Egypt on these debates centred around the policy shift marked by the Milner Report of 1920 and the course that treaty negotiations took thereafter, ultimately leading to the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936. While the treaty offered a new and more

in Egypt
Abstract only
Christian Kaunert

treaty negotiations. Hence, this selection of a ‘hard case’ ensures that it is possible to generalise the conclusions of the present study to the widest possible range of EU policy-making areas. Thirdly, the AFSJ has experienced significant policy developments since the late 1990s. Jörg Monar ( 1999b ) emphasises the fact that there has been no other example of a policy-making area which made its way so quickly and

in European internal security
Timothy Bowman

’s army In September and October 1921 it is clear that, despite the formation and expansion of the USC, the UVF was being reorganised.33 Clearly this reorganisation was occurring against the backdrop of the Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations, then being held in London, and dissatisfaction that the Northern Ireland government had not received full powers to administer law and order in Northern Ireland. Many men, who had not joined the USC, wanted to demonstrate their militant opposition to any settlement which would threaten the existence of the new six county Northern

in Carson’s army
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Parties and policy making in Ireland
Donnacha Ó Beacháin

Fianna Fáil also believed that its republican credentials gave it a unique ability to appreciate the importance of the ‘national question’. Its narrative of post-independence history depicted Fine Gael as national quislings, the heirs of those that had compromised Ireland’s independence during the Treaty negotiations and acquiesced in the partition of Ireland by virtue of the tripartite agreement of 1925 arising from the Boundary Commission report. 6 From Partition to Brexit Few opportunities were lost to stress the revolutionary credentials of Fianna Fáil

in From Partition to Brexit
Abstract only
Christopher Norton

between pro and anti-Treaty factions of Irish republicanism. However, at the time of its signing, attention in the North focused on article 12 of the Treaty which allowed for the ­establishment of a 4 Introduction Boundary Commission to adjudicate on the final contours of the border between the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. Republican p ­ lenipotentiaries at the Treaty negotiations with the British government assumed that the workings of the Boundary Commission would result in the transfer of substantial tracts of northern territory to the South; it was also

in The politics of constitutional nationalism in Northern Ireland, 1932–70
Abstract only
Jonathan Hearn

Conservative government is exploring options in what is expected to be a long-drawn-out process of delivering Brexit. That process officially began on 29 March 2017, when the UK invoked Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty. Negotiations for exit are supposedly to be concluded within two years. Behind these events lies a deeper issue, of a changing political and economic landscape, and the weakening grip of the established two-party system, Labour and Conservative, on that terrain. There has been a fundamental historical shift, from a more industrially based economy with a

in Salvage ethnography in the financial sector
Angela K. Bourne

Community Courts. Later sections explore the sometimes polemical process by which Basque and other autonomous communities gained a role in European Commission advisory committees, the Spanish Permanent Representation to the EU and state delegations to the EU’s Council. The Committee of the Regions The decision, made during Maastricht Treaty negotiations, to create a specialised Committee of the Regions responded to both technical and political rationales (Millan 1997; Jeffery 1995 and 2002: 328–31; Calonge and Sanz 2000: 30–42). On the one hand, the European Commission

in The European Union and the accommodation of Basque difference in Spain
Reconfiguring coordination
Scott James

coordination characteristic of the EU policy-making process in the UK proved highly durable and stable, subject to only minimal and incremental adaptation. 1 The hierarchical three-tier cabinet committee system put in place after the UK’s accession to the EC in 1973 was identical in all but name to those formal mechanisms used to formulate the UK’s response to the Maastricht Treaty negotiations nearly twenty years later (see Box 7.1 ). At ministerial level the cabinet only intermittently discussed European business. Instead a cabinet sub-committee, chaired by the Foreign

in Managing Europe from home