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Towards supranational governance in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice

The European Commission had become one of the more contentious actors during both Irish referenda on the Lisbon Treaty. This book discusses the role of the European Commission and institutions more generally, as well as the policy area of justice and home affairs. It argues that it is important to evaluate the role of EU institutions for the process of European integration. The book suggests a reconceptualisation of the framework of supranational policy entrepreneurs (SPEs), which is often referred to by the academic literature that discusses the role of agency in European integration. It focuses on the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) at the policy and treaty levels; primarily on four grounds: academic literature, SPE behaviour, EU's policymaking, and the interplay between treaty negotiations and policy-making. To analyse the role of the European institutions, the book combines an analysis of the Lisbon Treaty in relation to the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice with an analysis of the policy-making in the same area. The public policy model by John Kingdon with constructivist international relations literature is also outlined. The external dimension of counter-terrorism in the EU; the role of the EU institutions in EU asylum and migration; and the role of he Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is discussed. The book also analyses the role of the EU institutions in the communitarisation of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, in the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, and thus subsequently in the Lisbon Treaty.

Queen Victoria in contact zone dialogues in western Canada
Sarah Carter

group of thirty St. Peter’s voyageurs accompanied Colonel Wolseley up the Nile for the rescue of General Charles Gordon at Khartoum. 51 This was described in an English journal of the late nineteenth century as ‘surely the strangest contact between East and West that the world has ever seen’. 52 Treaty negotiations were occasions when references to Victoria as a fond and caring

in Mistress of everything
James Whidden

used by the conservatives in a pejorative sense) were sacrificing national security and the welfare of colonised peoples for a pipe dream. Colonial opinion in Egypt on these debates centred around the policy shift marked by the Milner Report of 1920 and the course that treaty negotiations took thereafter, ultimately leading to the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936. While the treaty offered a new and more

in Egypt
Abstract only
Christian Kaunert

providing the weakest institutional arrangements, both in the policy area and in the treaty negotiations. Hence, this selection of a ‘hard case’ ensures that it is possible to generalise the conclusions of the present study to the widest possible range of EU policy-making areas. Thirdly, the AFSJ has experienced significant policy developments since the late 1990s. Jörg Monar ( 1999b ) emphasises the fact that there has been no

in European internal security
Timothy Bowman

’s army In September and October 1921 it is clear that, despite the formation and expansion of the USC, the UVF was being reorganised.33 Clearly this reorganisation was occurring against the backdrop of the Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations, then being held in London, and dissatisfaction that the Northern Ireland government had not received full powers to administer law and order in Northern Ireland. Many men, who had not joined the USC, wanted to demonstrate their militant opposition to any settlement which would threaten the existence of the new six county Northern

in Carson’s army
Marianne Hanson

any nuclear-armed state which might seek (at some point) to accede to the treaty. Negotiations will be conducted with a ‘competent international authority’, and will then include a time-bound plan for the verified and irreversible elimination of that state’s nuclear weapons programme. Clearly then, the treaty leaves open the opportunity for nuclear weapon states to comply with

in Challenging nuclearism
Abstract only
Jonathan Hearn

Conservative government is exploring options in what is expected to be a long-drawn-out process of delivering Brexit. That process officially began on 29 March 2017, when the UK invoked Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty. Negotiations for exit are supposedly to be concluded within two years. Behind these events lies a deeper issue, of a changing political and economic landscape, and the weakening grip of the established two-party system, Labour and Conservative, on that terrain. There has been a fundamental historical shift, from a more industrially based economy with a

in Salvage ethnography in the financial sector
Open Access (free)
Jacopo Pili

and during the Great War. The treatment Italy received during the peace treaty negotiations allowed this resentment to fester and grow exponentially: by the time of D’Annunzio’s coup in Fiume, Britain was unpopular in the country and abuse of British citizens in Italy was not unheard of. As seen in chapter 1, the short-lived Fiume Republic, which worried the Italian government but excited many Italians, was distinctly anti-British and supported the struggle of the colonised peoples against ‘Anglo-Saxon’ imperialism. During the Great War, Mussolini, as an ardent

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy
Abstract only
Hilary Charlesworth
and
Christine Chinkin

. Treaty negotiation Treaty-making is covered in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. Its provisions describe the doctrine of full powers whereby a state representative has authority to bind the state, 5 and the ways in which a state can give its consent to become bound through signature, exchange of instruments, ratification, acceptance, approval or accession. 6

in The boundaries of international law
Abstract only
International law at the movies
Gerry Simpson

(if only ‘they’ would accept the outcomes of international treaty negotiation) and Black Septemberist violent opposition (usually built around a call for compromise by the ‘terrorists’). But for Palestinians, international law is either complicit (in its idealistic mode) or irrelevant (in its critical mode). If Dubuisson writes about the concrete circumstances of a charged political circumstance, in Marco Benatar’s essay, by contrast, we have a kind of inter-galactic international law with conventions forbidding the use of Warp Gas, clashes over sovereignty

in Cinematic perspectives on international law