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Towards supranational governance in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice

The European Commission had become one of the more contentious actors during both Irish referenda on the Lisbon Treaty. This book discusses the role of the European Commission and institutions more generally, as well as the policy area of justice and home affairs. It argues that it is important to evaluate the role of EU institutions for the process of European integration. The book suggests a reconceptualisation of the framework of supranational policy entrepreneurs (SPEs), which is often referred to by the academic literature that discusses the role of agency in European integration. It focuses on the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) at the policy and treaty levels; primarily on four grounds: academic literature, SPE behaviour, EU's policymaking, and the interplay between treaty negotiations and policy-making. To analyse the role of the European institutions, the book combines an analysis of the Lisbon Treaty in relation to the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice with an analysis of the policy-making in the same area. The public policy model by John Kingdon with constructivist international relations literature is also outlined. The external dimension of counter-terrorism in the EU; the role of the EU institutions in EU asylum and migration; and the role of he Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is discussed. The book also analyses the role of the EU institutions in the communitarisation of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, in the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, and thus subsequently in the Lisbon Treaty.

Queen Victoria in contact zone dialogues in western Canada
Sarah Carter

group of thirty St. Peter’s voyageurs accompanied Colonel Wolseley up the Nile for the rescue of General Charles Gordon at Khartoum. 51 This was described in an English journal of the late nineteenth century as ‘surely the strangest contact between East and West that the world has ever seen’. 52 Treaty negotiations were occasions when references to Victoria as a fond and caring

in Mistress of everything
Arabs, Israelis, and the limits of military force

The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.


Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.

James Whidden

used by the conservatives in a pejorative sense) were sacrificing national security and the welfare of colonised peoples for a pipe dream. Colonial opinion in Egypt on these debates centred around the policy shift marked by the Milner Report of 1920 and the course that treaty negotiations took thereafter, ultimately leading to the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936. While the treaty offered a new and more

in Egypt
Abstract only
Christian Kaunert

providing the weakest institutional arrangements, both in the policy area and in the treaty negotiations. Hence, this selection of a ‘hard case’ ensures that it is possible to generalise the conclusions of the present study to the widest possible range of EU policy-making areas. Thirdly, the AFSJ has experienced significant policy developments since the late 1990s. Jörg Monar ( 1999b ) emphasises the fact that there has been no

in European internal security
Timothy Bowman

’s army In September and October 1921 it is clear that, despite the formation and expansion of the USC, the UVF was being reorganised.33 Clearly this reorganisation was occurring against the backdrop of the Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations, then being held in London, and dissatisfaction that the Northern Ireland government had not received full powers to administer law and order in Northern Ireland. Many men, who had not joined the USC, wanted to demonstrate their militant opposition to any settlement which would threaten the existence of the new six county Northern

in Carson’s army
Marianne Hanson

any nuclear-armed state which might seek (at some point) to accede to the treaty. Negotiations will be conducted with a ‘competent international authority’, and will then include a time-bound plan for the verified and irreversible elimination of that state’s nuclear weapons programme. Clearly then, the treaty leaves open the opportunity for nuclear weapon states to comply with

in Challenging nuclearism
Abstract only
Christopher Norton

between pro and anti-Treaty factions of Irish republicanism. However, at the time of its signing, attention in the North focused on article 12 of the Treaty which allowed for the ­establishment of a 4 Introduction Boundary Commission to adjudicate on the final contours of the border between the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. Republican p ­ lenipotentiaries at the Treaty negotiations with the British government assumed that the workings of the Boundary Commission would result in the transfer of substantial tracts of northern territory to the South; it was also

in The politics of constitutional nationalism in Northern Ireland, 1932–70
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Parties and policy making in Ireland
Donnacha Ó Beacháin

Fianna Fáil also believed that its republican credentials gave it a unique ability to appreciate the importance of the ‘national question’. Its narrative of post-independence history depicted Fine Gael as national quislings, the heirs of those that had compromised Ireland’s independence during the Treaty negotiations and acquiesced in the partition of Ireland by virtue of the tripartite agreement of 1925 arising from the Boundary Commission report. 6 From Partition to Brexit Few opportunities were lost to stress the revolutionary credentials of Fianna Fáil

in From Partition to Brexit