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Allyn Fives

We have seen how Shklar is, in various ways, a widely acknowledged and significant influence on the approach to political thinking that we have called political non-moralism. Like many political non-moralists, hers is a sceptical approach that focuses on protection against the greatest political evil, namely cruelty, and arguably tyranny is its apotheosis. Nonetheless, scepticism is not the only characteristic of her mature political thought, and it may not even be the most important when it comes to the question of how she understands

in Judith Shklar and the liberalism of fear
Marco Barducci

state. 17 TYRANNY Both during the negotiations with the king around the points of the Heads of the Proposals , and, even more, after the establishment of the Republic, Ascham did not cease to refer to his own side as ‘usurper’. Ascham’s de facto advocacy of the legitimacy of a new constitutional settlement and form of government resulting from a civil war always assumed

in Order and conflict
Issues of race and power in nineteenth-century American responses to early modern Italian public sculpture
Paul H. D. Kaplan

Duchy of Tuscany fell under French control, and in April the commander in Livorno, General Sextius Miollis, proposed – in a revolutionary spirit – to pull down the statue of Ferdinando and to free the slaves from their chains: A single monument exists in Livorno and it is a monument to tyranny which

in Republics and empires
Debating the body politic on the paper stage
Rachel Willie

2 Fairs, ghosts, tyranny and usurpation: debating the body politic on the paper stage Charles I’s image was a collaborative venture that was generated ­throughout his reign by the production of masques and other forms of entertainment.1 From this genesis, Caroline iconography filtered through to popular print and, during the civil wars, was modified as a means of identifying Charles as a martyred prince. Conversely, the image of Oliver Cromwell began in the popular press; the play pamphlets that both ­appropriated and constructed the image of the royal martyr

in Staging the revolution
Alison K. McHardy

This chapter presents translated and annotated sources on the theme of appeasement and tyranny during the reign of Richard II, 1389–97.

in The reign of Richard II
Abstract only
The Court Sermons of James II
William Gibson

This article considers the sermons preached by royal chaplains at the court of James II and the organisation of the chapel royal by James as a Catholic organisation. In doing so, it addresses the question of where James’s assurance and certainty came from that he was ruling as God wished him to do. The evidence presented here is that James organised his Catholic chapel royal to be a conscious source of guidance and support. His chaplains reciprocated by addressing him as a Catholic king whose duty was to bring to heel a recalcitrant and stubborn people. His chaplains used historical precedent and theological argument to press on James his determination to bring his Protestant subjects to obedience. This is a study of the Catholic milieu of James’s court and of the theological impetus behind his rule.

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Kieran Keohane and Carmen Kuhling

7 Pleonexic tyranny in Plato’s Republic and in the Irish republic You eat what you kill ‘You eat what you kill’ is a phrase coined (as it were) in the City, where its usage articulates the principle of remuneration in the financial sector, amongst bankers, fund managers, traders and brokers, whereby individuals who are responsible for particular lines of business within financial organizations personally get the full financial reward accruing to that business. ‘You eat what you kill’, the ethic of the City and of Wall Street, the ethic of the developer and the

in The domestic, moral and political economies of post-Celtic Tiger Ireland
James Herbert, The Spear and ‘Nazi Gothic’
Nick Freeman

This article examines the ways in which James Herbert‘s The Spear (1978) attempted to combine nineteenth century gothic with the contemporary thriller. The novel deals with the activities of a neo-Nazi organisation, and the essay draws parallels between Herberts deployment of National Socialism and the treatment of Roman Catholicism in earlier Gothic texts. Contextualising the novel within a wider fascination with Nazism in 1970s popular culture, it also considers the ethical difficulties in applying techniques from supernatural Gothic to secular tyranny.

Gothic Studies
Andrew Holmes

This article examines Presbyterian interpretations in Scotland and Ireland of the Scottish Reformations of 1560 and 1638–43. It begins with a discussion of the work of two important Presbyterian historians of the early nineteenth century, the Scotsman, Thomas McCrie, and the Irishman, James Seaton Reid. In their various publications, both laid the template for the nineteenth-century Presbyterian understanding of the Scottish Reformations by emphasizing the historical links between the Scottish and Irish churches in the early-modern period and their common theology and commitment to civil and religious liberty against the ecclesiastical and political tyranny of the Stuarts. The article also examines the commemorations of the National Covenant in 1838, the Solemn League and Covenant in 1843, and the Scottish Reformation in 1860. By doing so, it uncovers important religious and ideological linkages across the North Channel, including Presbyterian evangelicalism, missionary activity, church–state relationships, religious reform and revival, and anti-Catholicism.

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Rebecca Gill

This chapter focuses on how the politics of humanity and relief reverberated in 'progressive' circles in Britain, including those championing political representation for women. L. T. Hobhouse provides an instructive example of one who undertook a serious scholarly attempt to bridge science and ethics. He is of particular interest as leader writer for the anti-war Manchester Guardian during the South African War. Many of those opposed to war in South Africa were veteran campaigners against the Ottoman treatment of Christians, as well as against British conduct in Afghanistan, and many would reunite after the war to protest the plight of the Macedonians. Concern for the freedom of the Boer Republics did not, as a rule, extend to the freedoms of the 'native races' in South Africa. Threat of war in South Africa brought many of the progressives together in a new campaigning organisation, the South African Conciliation Committee (SACC).

in Calculating compassion