This chapter examines the contribution that G.H. Mead’s conception of the self can make to understanding political subjectivity, and it deploys this approach in a case study of urbanpolitics in the UK. Mead was a key figure in the development of pragmatist psychology and philosophy. He powerfully argued that there can be no self, consciousness of self or communication separate from society ( Mead, 1934 ). His work has profound implications for thinking about human agency, and in this chapter I explore the potential impact of his ideas on
Patrick Le Galès
Urbanpolitical economy beyond
convergence: robust but differentiated
unequal European cities
This chapter discusses the transformations of contemporary European cities
and is intellectually influenced by the Italian political economy tradition
(Andreotti and Benassi 2014; Tosi and Vitale 2016), which is particularly
attentive to territories and cities. This tradition paved the way for sophisticated intellectual arguments about informality, social networks, labour
markets, firms tradition, religion, locality, family, state failure, poverty
On Labor Day in 1988 two hundred hungry and homeless people went to Golden Gate Park in search of a hot meal, while fifty-four activists from Food Not Bombs, surrounded by riot police, lined up to serve them food. The riot police counted twenty-five served meals, the legal number allowed by city law before breaking permit restrictions, and then began to arrest people. The arrests proceeded like an assembly line: an activist would scoop a bowl of food and hand it to a hungry person. A police officer would then handcuff and arrest that activist. Immediately, the next activist in line would take up the ladle and be promptly arrested. By the end of the day fifty-four people had been arrested for “providing food without a permit.” These arrests were not an aberration but part of a multi-year campaign by the city of San Francisco against radical homeless activists. Why would a liberal city arrest activists helping the homeless? In exploring this question, the book uses the conflict between the city and activists as a unique opportunity to examine the contested nature of urban politics, homelessness, and public space, while developing an anarchist alternative to liberal urban politics, which is rooted in mutual aid, solidarity, and anti-capitalism.
This book seeks to locate the London presbyterian movement in the metropolitan, parliamentarian and British politics of the mid-seventeenth-century crisis. It explores the emergence of the presbyterian movement in London from the collapse of Charles I’s monarchy, the movement’s influence on the parliamentarian political struggles of the civil war and interregnum and concludes by looking at the beginnings of Restoration nonconformity. The work covers the political, intellectual and social history of the London presbyterian movement, looking at the development of ideas of presbyterian church government and political theory, as well as exploring the London presbyterians’ mobilisation and organisation to establish their vision of reforming the Reformation. The work addresses the use of the ‘information revolution’ in the British revolution, analysing religious disputation, the political use of rumour and gossip and the interface between oral and written culture. It argues that the London presbyterian movement, whose participants are often the foils to explorations of other individuals or groups in historical writing, was critical to the dynamic of the politics of the period.
Theses on homelessness, public space, and urban resistance
months of the Trump administration, the future seems
as unstable as at any time in my life. The institutions of government are in
disarray and in conflict with each other; executive orders are being released
that are both contradictory and confusing. The ground is shaking, or to put
in more accurately, it is being shaken. And it is intentional.
As scholars, activists, and teachers interested in topics of social justice,
urbanpolitics, and radical politics, this means thinking about learning from
the past; to look to theoretical understandings of the past
Re-imagining Manchester through a new politics of environment
resistance against or questioning of a politics of incorporation. I argue that paying attention to the
struggle over how to achieve inclusion without risking incorporation might
provide new directions for understanding the nature of urbanpolitics in
Background to the field site
The particular field of policy practice that I focus on in this chapter is the
formation of the city of Manchester’s environmental policy: specifically that
which came in response to the 2008 Climate Change Act. The chapter emerges
from ethnographic research that I conducted in
democracy and aristocracy that gave an explicitly republican shape to urbanpolitics. 4 Certain tasks of local governance resonated with the Aristotelian typology of democracy, even as aristocracy became the ‘preferred form of civic governance’. 5
Tom Cogswell has recently challenged the pacific interpretation of urbanpolitics portrayed in Parliamentary Selection in his close study of Canterbury’s 1626 Parliamentary election. 6 Cogswell’s insightful article traces electoral divisions in that city as seen through the eyes of Thomas Scott, a citizen and freeman with
different imaginations of advocacy, activism, and the rights of refugees have been articulated through a specifically urban frame of reference.
In doing so, the chapter develops as follows. I begin by briefly outlining recent work on the ‘politics of urbanism’ (Magnusson, 2011 ) that has sought to contest the dominance of a statist perspective in understanding contemporary politics. Building on this urbanpolitical focus, I then discuss Derrida's ( 2001 ) deconstruction of hospitality and his call to establish ‘cities of refuge’ that challenge
groups – which had previously acted as watchdog holding
local government to account and creating a vibrant urbanpolitical culture.
Civil society had thus become increasingly disconnected from local government. In part, this was a product of demography and suburbanisation. After
1951, inner-city populations shrank markedly. Social and political leaders with
middle-class backgrounds had also withdrawn from local political life. This
trend had already been in train before 1939 and now accelerated after 1950.
7/30/2013 10:40:37 AM
MUP FINAL PROOF
This book makes the case for a pragmatist approach to the practice of social inquiry and knowledge production. Through diverse examples from multiple disciplines, contributors explore the power of pragmatism to inform a practice of inquiry that is democratic, community-centred, problem-oriented and experimental. Drawing from both classical and neo-pragmatist perspectives, the book advances a pragmatist sensibility in which truth and knowledge are contingent rather than universal, made rather than found, provisional rather than dogmatic, subject to continuous experimentation rather than ultimate proof and verified in their application in action rather than in the accuracy of their representation of an antecedent reality. The power of pragmatism offers a path forward for mobilizing the practice of inquiry in social research, exploring the implications of pragmatism for the process of knowledge production.