In twenty-first-century Chinese cities there are hundreds of millions of rural
migrants who are living temporary lives, suspended between urban and rural
China. They are the unsung heroes of the country’s ‘economic miracle’, yet are
regarded as second-class citizens in both a cultural, material and legal sense.
China’s citizenship challenge tells the story of how civic organisations set up
by some of these rural migrants challenge this citizenship marginalisation. The
book argues that in order to effectively address the problems faced by migrant
workers, these NGOs must undertake ‘citizenship challenge’: the transformation
of migrant workers’ social and political participation in public life, the
broadening of their access to labour and other rights, and the reinvention of
their relationship to the city. By framing the NGOs’ activism in terms of
citizenship rather than class struggle, this book offers a valuable contribution
to the field of labour movement studies in China. The monograph also proves
exceptionally timely in the context of the state’s repression of these
organisations in recent years, which, as the book explores, was largely driven
by their citizenship-altering activism.
microcosm and further the ongoing interplay among
residual parts and emergent whole.
Chemetoff’s Plan-Guide has become a model throughout France for
flexible, diverse urbanredevelopment. In 2000, before its implementation, it won him the Grand Prix de l’Urbanisme, awarded annually
by the French Ministry for Ecology, Energy, Sustainable Development,
and Planning. The Plan-Guide exemplifies what sociologist Laurent
Devisme, borrowing from Luc Boltanski and Eve Chiapello, has dubbed
the ‘new spirit of urbanism.’16 For Devisme, Chemetoff’s Plan-Guide is
fables, which are also
modes of transmission of memory [mémoire].’12 The distinction between
mémoire and souvenir resurfaces in both the reception of PlayRec and the
French scholarly literature on urbanredevelopment and industrial heritage. La mémoire (as opposed to the masculine indefinite un mémoire, a
memoir) refers to memory in the abstract – I have a good memory – or
the unquantifiable totality of individual memories, souvenirs. Mémoire is
always singular, whereas one might speak of a single souvenir or a collection of specific souvenirs. My mémoire is the sum
-standing environmental problems through the culverting of the heavily polluted and flood-prone River Blackstaff.
The construction of Royal Avenue was the single most important work of urbanredevelopment prior to the giant motorway schemes of the 1960s and after. As with the development forty years earlier of Victoria Street and Corporation Street, the scheme was presented as combining slum clearance and more efficient traffic management. Hercules Street, continuing the line of Donegall Place but thanks to projecting buildings connected to it only by a narrow
sociology into the analytical framework allows macro-level societal stimuli, including nationalism, urbanredevelopment, legislative directives, ethnic prejudice and transnational cultural flows, via technologies of religious synthesis, to be connected to specific religious developments, the effects of which can be observed on the micro level, manifested in the ritual and material cultures of each religious landscape. The following example is illustrative of this process.
Historically, whips were the first man-made object to cross the sound
synthesis and the inversion of tradition in the context of Confucian and Buddhist influences on contrasting ethical codes in Singapore’s contemporary Underworld tradition.
The case-study temples
As well as the creation and expansion of Underworld temple networks based on reciprocity by individual tang-ki , and distinctive to Singapore’s religious landscape, ritual connections based on temples’ prior locations pre-urbanredevelopment have been constructed in Singapore by the post-relocation generation of tang-ki . This
offer equally forthright records of relocation and prevailing
attitudes towards social housing. Goodger and John Gresty junior, therefore,
were working in a clearly defined realm of amateur social realism when they
documented urban demolition in Manchester and Salford.
Goodger filmed the effects of local urbanredevelopment, less
than a year after Cathy Come Home was shown on BBC1. 53 Although that programme
became part of
In migration the production of space is ontological: the ground is not given (the host faceless, Indigenous sovereignty unceded), the imagined community and its habitus are projects rather than realities. Another way to say this is that the representational space of democracy is suspended. The work of a migrant artist does not represent anything: it aims to produce a new situation. Such art is ‘dirty’, intervening in change rather than offering an aesthetic equivalent. These considerations lie behind a series of ‘creative templates’ or dramaturgies of public space devised for major urban redevelopments in Melbourne and Perth. Characterising the new spaces of public encounter as an endless compilation and renewal of lines and knots (visualised as a flexible string figure), the ’creative template’ reconceptualises ‘public art’ as the unscripted performances of public space that reclaim it as a place where something happens. The ‘something’ is likely to be the return of the repressed history of colonisation, as our work Sugar, devised for the Liverpool (UK) Capital of Culture festival, illustrates.
Following its arc around the city centre, at ground level my feet
follow a similar curve to the motorway above which brings me to
the modernist views of UMIST. This complex of buildings and
their multilevelled access points is rapidly losing its power as the
city’s ultimate statement in concrete and glass as the rapacious
nature of urbanredevelopment is quickly taking large chunks of
it away. Dipping under the sinewy curve of Victory House (then
Telecom House, now MacDonald Hotel) I arrive at Mayfield
Depot. The former railway station, then parcels depot
Reconstructing modernity assesses the character of approaches to rebuilding British cities during the decades after the Second World War. It explores the strategies of spatial governance that sought to restructure society and looks at the cast of characters who shaped these processes. It challenges traditional views of urban modernism as moderate and humanist, shedding new light on the importance of the immediate post-war for the trajectory of urban renewal in the twentieth century. The book shows how local corporations and town planners in Manchester and Hull attempted to create order and functionality through the remaking of their decrepit Victorian cities. It looks at the motivations of national and local governments in the post-war rebuilding process and explores why and how they attempted the schemes they did. What emerges is a picture of local corporations, planners and city engineers as radical reshapers of the urban environment, not through the production of grand examples of architectural modernism, but in mundane attempts to zone cities, produce greener housing estates, control advertising or regulate air quality. Their ambition to control and shape the space of their cities was an attempt to produce urban environments that might be both more orderly and functional, but also held the potential to shape society.