This essay analyses the literature on the foibe to illustrate a political use of human remains. The foibe are the deep karstic pits in Istria and around Trieste where Yugoslavian Communist troops disposed of Italians they executed en masse during World War II. By comparing contemporary literature on the foibe to a selection of archival reports of foibe exhumation processes it will be argued that the foibe literature popular in Italy today serves a political rather than informational purpose. Counterpublic theory will be applied to examine how the recent increase in popular foibe literature brought the identity of the esuli, one of Italy‘s subaltern counterpublics, to the national stage. The paper argues that by employing the narrative structure of the Holocaust, contemporary literature on the foibe attempts to recast Italy as a counterpublic in the wider European public sphere, presenting Italy as an unrecognised victim in World War II.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal

unease that come with a direct request. The de-affectivisation of indirect securitisation contributes to a great degree to the perpetuation of covert forms of racism, and also nurtures white victimhood in the US. De-affectivisation allows citizens not to feel emotionally implicated in discrimination against minorities in the war on terrorism and emboldens white supremacists’ claim that there is a ‘silent majority’ (or even silenced majority) that is under attack in the US. President Trump can both send a signal to his supporter base that Muslims are a threat and

in The securitisation of Islam
Gothic Continuities, Feminism and Postfeminism in the Neo-Gothic Film

The article seeks to explore questions of fictional female victimhood by examining feminist and post-feminist critical engagements with the Gothic heroine figure. The paper traces instances of this figure in literary and filmic versions of the ‘female gothic’ narrative, focusing in particular on the female gothic film cycle of the 1940s, in films such as Rebecca (1940) and Suspicion (1941), and the cycles recurrence in more contemporary female-addressed suspense thrillers, such as Deceived (1991), Sleeping with the Enemy (1991), Shadow of Doubt (1998), and What Lies Beneath (2000). The paper reveals that the neo-gothic heroine condenses key issues pertinent to shifts in feminist and post-feminist critique, such as woman-as-victim, negotiations about the meanings of femininity, and the relationship between women and domestic space.

Gothic Studies
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Politics and society in Northern Ireland over half a century

After three decades of violence, Northern Ireland has experienced unprecedented peace. It is now generally accepted that the peace accord which ended the Northern Ireland conflict, the 1998 Belfast Agreement, is an exemplar of this trend. This book examines the impact of the 1998 Agreement which halted the violence on the Northern Irish people. It covers changes in public opinion across all areas of society and politics, including elections, education, community relations and national identity. The surveys presented show that despite peace, Protestants and Catholics remain as deeply divided as ever. The book examines the development of the theory of consociationalism and how it has been woven into the intellectual debate about the nature of the Northern Ireland conflict. The role of religion in conflict transformation has emerged as an important issue in Northern Ireland. Ethnonationalism in Northern Ireland is fuelled by its multifaceted and complex nature. The constitutional position of Northern Ireland has been the topic of recurring debate since partition in 1920. The role of education in promoting social cohesion in post-conflict societies is often controversial. The book explores both the nature and extent of victimhood and the main perpetrators of the political violence. The key elements of a consociational approach include a grand coalition representing the main segments of society; proportionality in representation; community (segmental) autonomy; and mutual vetoes on key decisions. The main lesson of peace-making in Northern Ireland is that political reform has to be accompanied by social change across the society as a whole.

Covert racism and affect in the United States post-9/11

‘I am the least racist person,’ Donald Trump declared. This book unpacks how it is possible for various American administrations to impose discriminatory counterterrorism (CT) and countering violent extremism (CVE) measures on Muslim communities and yet declare that ‘Islam is peace’ or that ‘Muslims are our friends’. The book addresses some of the paradoxes of the securitisation by linking discourses about the role of Muslims in the war on terror in the United States with covert forms of racism. The book is concerned with a securitisation that is covertly rather than overtly expressed, which enables securitising actors like Trump to deny plausibility of racism and claim that they are ‘the least racist person’. The book offers a critique of the ‘soft’ and ‘hard’ approaches to CT and CVE and advances an alternative way to understand radicalisation and terrorism by introducing a quantum perspective. Lastly, drawing on the affective turn, the book adds body to the analysis by theorising emotions and affect in the securitisation of Islam. The book argues that this covert securitisation constructs white American subjects as innocent, unprejudiced and living in a post-racial society averse to racism, whilst constructing Muslim subjects as potential terrorists and thus as sites of securitisation. This book is a timely analysis of the securitisation of Islam since 9/11 and presents an original study that contributes to debates on Islamophobia, white fragility and white victimhood, which have proliferated since the rise of far-right (populist) parties in Europe and the US.

reconciliation should fail (Nagle and Clancy, 2010 ). This chapter focuses on the nature and extent of victimhood in Northern Ireland and public attitudes towards how to deal with the injustices inflicted on them in the past. The first section outlines the nature of the 1998 Belfast Agreement with reference to the rights of victims. The second and third sections, using a range of official government statistics

in Conflict to peace
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nurtures white victimhood in the US. To drive these two claims home, I explored different fields of security and the common security logics that underlie them. Following the work of proponents of the PARIS approach to securitisation on practice and Didier Bigo's writing on ‘security professionals’, Chapter 4 critically reviewed the CT operations conducted in New York, the competition between security experts at the city and federal levels, and the ‘soft’ and ‘hard’ approaches to countering extremism and radicalisation in the US. All in all, security professionals at

in The securitisation of Islam

example being during the Interregnum when his lands were confiscated by government agents and he was forced to repurchase them. Yet, even during the most trying times it can be shown that Blundell’s initiative remained consistent and at least partially effective. This chapter focuses on Blundell’s efforts to protect himself from the penal laws, and the ways in which he used the relative freedom this gave him to promote Catholicism amongst his family and friends. Far from supporting the view that Blundell was defined by his victimhood, the picture that will emerge is that of

in Reading and politics in early modern England

victim of carelessness, cowardliness or capitalism. But acceptance of bombing suggests a more purposeful idea of victimhood: death was not a waste. Explaining casualties like this contextualised bombing within the wider war. The Thomas brothers’ reaction to my question about whether anyone criticised the Allies was emphatic: ‘No! No! Not at all! It was war!’ Christian Solet and Christian de la Bachellerie were more cautious, but their underlying resignation was clear. Christian Solet said that ‘people didn’t think it was quite right’, whereas Christian de la

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
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Catholics were marginalised and persecuted, emphasis was placed on the penal laws, without consideration of the extent to which they were applied. Contemporary Catholics were thus presented as a homogeneous group of victims.6 This is not to say that this work can be dismissed lightly. J. C. H. Aveling, a one-time Benedictine monk, wrote a number of extensively researched studies of post-Reformation Catholicism in the north of England which, though inclined to highlight the victimhood of contemporary Catholics, successfully drew attention to previously ignored Catholic

in Reading and politics in early modern England