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Looking for Bosnia

Developed through a series of encounters with a Bosnian Serb soldier Stojan Sokolović, this book is a meditation on the possibilities and limitations of responding to the extreme violence of the Bosnian war. It explores the ethics of confronting the war criminal and investigates the possibility of responsibility not just to victims of war and war crimes, but also to the perpetrators of violence. The book explains how Stojan Sokolović attenuated the author to the fact that he was responsible, to everyone, all the time, and for everything. It exposes the complexity of the categories of good and evil. Silence is also the herald of violence, or its co-conspirator. The author and Stojan Sokolović were trapped in violence, discursive and material, and discursive that leads to material, and material that emanates from and leads back to discursive. Two years after beginning his research into identity and the politics of conflict in Bosnia and Kosovo, the author got the opportunity to visit the region presented itself. According to the vast majority of the literature of the 1990s on Bosnia, it was clear that the biggest problem with nationalist violence and intolerance was to be found in Republika Srpska. The book is the author's discourse on a variety of experiences, including those of ethics, politics, disasters, technologies, fieldwork, adventure tourism, and dilemmas.

War monuments and the contradictions of Japan’s post-imperial commemoration
Barak Kushner

tower was recommissioned to fit into the ‘new democratic’ post-war Japan–a goal both desired by the Japanese people and sanctioned by their American occupiers. After 1945, new structures were created to serve as lieux de mémoire that would replace an imperial, martial form of memory with a new representation of Japan as a victim of war. The iconic ‘love statue’ is a

in Sites of imperial memory
Silvia Salvatici

This short introduction offers an overview on the third part of the book, which opens on the development programmes that, from the early 1950s, made up the main activity of international aid, now fully deployed on a global scale. The aim of these programmes was the economic and social advancement of Third World countries and flanked interventions for the industrialisation and mechanisation of agriculture, projects for sanitation, education and professional training. The areas of activity on which international humanitarianism grew over time became an integral part of development politics. In the late 1960s, the armed conflicts that shook the fragile and still mobile postcolonial set-up brought back to the centre of humanitarian action aid for the victims of war. The conflict immediately following the secession of Biafra from Nigeria (1967–69) was just the first in a series of dramatic events that captured public attention. Such emergencies formed the complicated context in which international aid was mobilised.

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989
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David J. Appleby and Andrew Hopper

books of county treasurers for maimed soldiers will help uncover how welfare systems attempted to cope with the enormous strain of supporting so many victims of war. The project will also address how political considerations and contested memories of the conflict influenced the provision of military welfare to the wounded and bereaved of both sides. In encouraging men to enter military service, Parliament’s leaders used the promise of medical care and pensions to strengthen their war effort and shore up support for their cause. In doing so, the Long Parliament

in Battle-scarred
Mariusz Korzeniowski

interior in an organised fashion. This more disciplined behaviour was acknowledged by Jerzy de Moldenhower who inspected the activities of CKO in August 1915 as a representative of the Council of the Assemblies of the Polish Relief Organisations for Victims of War (Rada Zjazdów Polskich Organizacji Pomocy Ofiarom Wojny, RZ POPOW), as well as by W. Grabski, Plenipotentiary of CKO and future Prime Minister of the Second Polish Republic.23 Refugees attempted to maintain their dignity. They demonstrated a sense of their national, cultural and linguistic distinctiveness

in Europe on the move
Abstract only
Kelly-Kate Pease

respected humanitarian NGOs with global reach. These organizations advocate and protect differently. The ICRC uses confidentiality to enhance its ability to negotiate access, while neutrality and impartiality enables the MSF to provide health care almost anywhere in the world. The International Committee of the Red Cross. The ICRC was established in 1863 to provide humanitarian assistance to those who are affected by armed conflict and promote laws to protect the “victims of war.” Henry Dunant, a Swiss businessman, started the movement after witnessing the

in Human rights and humanitarian diplomacy
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Humanity and relief in war and peace
Rebecca Gill

region where atrocities were committed on all sides and claims to nationhood contested the same territory. 26 Her response on visiting the region in 1913 was correspondingly less Gladstonian than that of most of her Balkan Committee colleagues: the sufferers she encountered were less the victims of a particular oppressor than universal ‘victims of war’. But she was also

in Calculating compassion
Silvia Salvatici

sensibility’, the abolitionist movement and missionary philanthropy are usually placed at the origins of contemporary humanitarianism, commonly understood as the organised aid intended for individual victims of war, natural disasters and disadvantaged economic circumstances in their own countries. It was an organised aid that, over time, was equipped with specific institutions, ad hoc legislation and internationally recognised operating standards. However, everything came into being in the period between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries with the confirmation of a

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989
Challenges and technological solutions to the ­identification of individuals in mass grave scenarios in the modern context
Gillian Fowler and Tim Thompson

application of forensic archaeology and anthropology in Colombia’s conflict’, in Ferllini (ed.), Forensic Archaeology and Human Rights Violations, pp. 170–204. Djuric et al., ‘Identification of victims’. Identification of individuals in mass grave scenarios   133 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 D. Komar, ‘Lessons from Srebrenica: the contributions and limitations of physical anthropology in identifying victims of war crimes’, Journal of Forensic Sciences, 48 (2003), 1–4. M. Šlaus, D. Strinović, N. Pećina-Šlaus, H. Brkić, D. Baličević, V

in Human remains and identification
Liubov Zhvanko and Oleksiy Nestulya

overcrowded that local committees were simply unable to assist refugees satisfactorily. Officials bemoaned what they saw as chaos.6 In the first months of the war the Russian authorities failed to understand the scale and the challenge posted by mass displacement. Guided by the experience of previous wars, they shifted the care of refugees to charitable organisations such as the committee of her Imperial Highness Grand Duchess Tatiana Nikolaevna for the provision of temporary assistance to the victims of war. However, it was impossible to solve the knot of the most

in Europe on the move