Developed through a series of encounters with a Bosnian Serb soldier Stojan Sokolović, this book is a meditation on the possibilities and limitations of responding to the extreme violence of the Bosnian war. It explores the ethics of confronting the war criminal and investigates the possibility of responsibility not just to victims of war and war crimes, but also to the perpetrators of violence. The book explains how Stojan Sokolović attenuated the author to the fact that he was responsible, to everyone, all the time, and for everything. It exposes the complexity of the categories of good and evil. Silence is also the herald of violence, or its co-conspirator. The author and Stojan Sokolović were trapped in violence, discursive and material, and discursive that leads to material, and material that emanates from and leads back to discursive. Two years after beginning his research into identity and the politics of conflict in Bosnia and Kosovo, the author got the opportunity to visit the region presented itself. According to the vast majority of the literature of the 1990s on Bosnia, it was clear that the biggest problem with nationalist violence and intolerance was to be found in Republika Srpska. The book is the author's discourse on a variety of experiences, including those of ethics, politics, disasters, technologies, fieldwork, adventure tourism, and dilemmas.
War monuments and the contradictions of Japan’s post-imperial commemoration
tower was recommissioned to fit
into the ‘new democratic’ post-war Japan–a goal
both desired by the Japanese people and sanctioned by their American
occupiers. After 1945, new structures were created to serve as
lieux de mémoire that would replace an imperial,
martial form of memory with a new representation of Japan as a
victimofwar. The iconic ‘love statue’ is a
This short introduction offers an overview on the third part of the book, which opens on the development programmes that, from the early 1950s, made up the main activity of international aid, now fully deployed on a global scale. The aim of these programmes was the economic and social advancement of Third World countries and flanked interventions for the industrialisation and mechanisation of agriculture, projects for sanitation, education and professional training. The areas of activity on which international humanitarianism grew over time became an integral part of development politics. In the late 1960s, the armed conflicts that shook the fragile and still mobile postcolonial set-up brought back to the centre of humanitarian action aid for the victims of war. The conflict immediately following the secession of Biafra from Nigeria (1967–69) was just the first in a series of dramatic events that captured public attention. Such emergencies formed the complicated context in which international aid was mobilised.
books of county treasurers for maimed soldiers will help
uncover how welfare systems attempted to cope with the enormous strain of
supporting so many victimsofwar. The project will also address how political
considerations and contested memories of the conflict influenced the provision of military welfare to the wounded and bereaved of both sides.
In encouraging men to enter military service, Parliament’s leaders used
the promise of medical care and pensions to strengthen their war effort and
shore up support for their cause. In doing so, the Long Parliament
interior in an organised fashion. This more disciplined behaviour was
acknowledged by Jerzy de Moldenhower who inspected the activities of
CKO in August 1915 as a representative of the Council of the Assemblies
of the Polish Relief Organisations for VictimsofWar (Rada Zjazdów
Polskich Organizacji Pomocy Ofiarom Wojny, RZ POPOW), as well as by
W. Grabski, Plenipotentiary of CKO and future Prime Minister of the
Second Polish Republic.23
Refugees attempted to maintain their dignity. They demonstrated a
sense of their national, cultural and linguistic distinctiveness
respected humanitarian NGOs with global reach. These organizations advocate and protect differently. The ICRC uses confidentiality to enhance its ability to negotiate access, while neutrality and impartiality enables the MSF to provide health care almost anywhere in the world.
The International Committee of the Red Cross. The ICRC was established in 1863 to provide humanitarian assistance to those who are affected by armed conflict and promote laws to protect the “victimsofwar.” Henry Dunant, a Swiss businessman, started the movement after witnessing the
region where atrocities were committed on all sides and claims to
nationhood contested the same territory. 26 Her response on visiting the
region in 1913 was correspondingly less Gladstonian than that of
most of her Balkan Committee colleagues: the sufferers she
encountered were less the victims of a particular oppressor than
universal ‘victimsofwar’. But she was also
sensibility’, the abolitionist movement and missionary philanthropy are usually placed at the origins of contemporary humanitarianism, commonly understood as the organised aid intended for individual victimsofwar, natural disasters and disadvantaged economic circumstances in their own countries. It was an organised aid that, over time, was equipped with specific institutions, ad hoc legislation and internationally recognised operating standards. However, everything came into being in the period between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries with the confirmation of a
Challenges and technological solutions to the identification of individuals in mass grave scenarios in the modern context
Gillian Fowler and Tim Thompson
application of forensic archaeology and anthropology in Colombia’s conflict’, in Ferllini (ed.), Forensic
Archaeology and Human Rights Violations, pp. 170–204.
Djuric et al., ‘Identification of victims’.
Identification of individuals in mass grave scenarios 133
D. Komar, ‘Lessons from Srebrenica: the contributions and limitations
of physical anthropology in identifying victimsofwar crimes’, Journal of
Forensic Sciences, 48 (2003), 1–4.
M. Šlaus, D. Strinović, N. Pećina-Šlaus, H. Brkić, D. Baličević, V
overcrowded that local committees were simply unable to assist refugees
satisfactorily. Officials bemoaned what they saw as chaos.6
In the first months of the war the Russian authorities failed to understand the scale and the challenge posted by mass displacement. Guided
by the experience of previous wars, they shifted the care of refugees to
charitable organisations such as the committee of her Imperial Highness
Grand Duchess Tatiana Nikolaevna for the provision of temporary assistance to the victimsofwar. However, it was impossible to solve the knot
of the most