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This book examines the changing role of victims of crime in the Irish criminal process. It documents the variety of ways in which victims of crime are now being written into the criminal process discourse and practice in Ireland, while taking account of existing challenges. The book seeks to show how the justice system is emerging from hegemonic dominance and examines the conditions which have made their re-emergence possible and the commitments, practices and strategic priorities shaping this inclusionary momentum. It demonstrates how the paradigm of prosecuting and investigating crime moved from an intensely local, unstructured and victim-precipitated arrangement to a structured, adversarial, state-monopolised event where the accused was largely silenced and the victim was rendered invisible. The book documents the black-letter, technocratic details of how victims have been juridically provided for since the late 1980s in Ireland. It then focuses on service rights which complement the legal rights which victims of crime have been afforded in Ireland. The book also charts the challenges which continue to face service users, providers and the wider criminal justice sector in the delivery of services which are responsive to the needs of victims and meet increased demands under the EU Directive on Victims' Rights. Innovative policy options adopted in other jurisdictions, including the creation of an Ombudsman for Victims of Crime and measures to unify service provision within the sector, including Witness Care Units, are also explored.

Shane Kilcommins
Susan Leahy
Kathleen Moore Walsh
, and
Eimear Spain

Criminal Procedure Act 2010. It is submitted that the re-emergence of the crime victim in Ireland was due to four principal influences that created pressure on the Irish government to alter the status of crime victims. These principal influences were: (1) victimology research; (2) the victimsmovement; (3) the recognition and expansion of human rights; and (4) crime became a national election issue, with a contemporaneous decrease in public satisfaction with the criminal justice system. The first three influences were international in character and the fourth

in The victim in the Irish criminal process
Abstract only
Chris Gilligan

the 1990s. The term ‘race hate’ emerged in the USA in the 1970s and 1980s as part of the Hate crime 175 development of what has been referred to as ‘the anti-hate crime movement’.72 This movement is a curious beast. It developed out of the confluence of what are generally considered to be ‘liberal, progressive movements’ (the civil rights, women’s, disabilities, and gay and lesbian rights campaigns) with the generally ‘conservative crime victim movement’.73 It involved, in other words, a convergence between the ‘left’ and the ‘right’. This convergence was made

in Northern Ireland and the crisis of anti-racism