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Addressing the consequences of conflict and trauma in Northern Ireland
Author: David Bolton

Conflict poses considerable challenges for services that support communities, and in particular those affected by violence. This book describes the work undertaken in Omagh against the background of the most recent period of violent conflict in Ireland, and specifically it draws upon the work following the Omagh bombing. The bombing came just four months after the Northern Ireland peace agreement, known formally as the Belfast Agreement of 1998, and more informally as the Good Friday Agreement. The book describes the impact of the bomb and the early responses. Local trade unions, employers and the business community played key roles at times, particularly in underlining the need for solidarity and in identifying themselves with the desire for peace. The book looks at the outcome of needs-assessments undertaken following the Omagh bombing. The efforts to understand the mental health and related impact of the violence associated with the Troubles in Northern Ireland over the period 1969 to 2015 are focused in detail. The later efforts to build services for the benefit of the wider population are described, drawing upon the lessons gained in responding to the Omagh bombing. The developments in therapy, in training and education, and in research and advocacy are described with reference to the work of the Northern Ireland Centre for Trauma and Transformation (NICTT). The book draws together key conclusions about the approaches that could be taken to address mental health and well-being as an essential component of a peace-building project.

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Six stories of the siege
Author: Sue-Ann Harding

The cruelty of the September 2004 terrorist attack marks Beslan as Russia's worst hostage crisis. The similarities and differences in the reporting of such a violent, and ultimately calamitous, series of events are the focus of this book. The book investigates ways in which different narratives are constructed from, and in response to, events emerging from situations of violent conflict. It explores the relevance of narratives for, and the contributions of socio- narrative theory towards, understanding, explaining and challenging the behaviour of individuals and the practices of social units and institutions. The book also explores issues of translation and ways in which translation impacts on the (re)construction of narratives. It is written as an act of anamnesis to engender recognition and recollection. The book is essentially a case study in that it investigates in depth a small sample of online reporting written in response to a particular set of events. The socio- narrative theory presented is not just an analytical tool but is itself an object of investigation. The book investigates the Russian- language narrative texts published by a different online news agency by analyzing those texts published by the major Russian agency RIA- Novosti . It then examines the Chechen resistance website Kavkazcenter, and investigates the reports published by Caucasian Knot, a charitably funded Russian civil society website. These chapters strive to determine what narratives, the English-language material, these three Russian news agencies constructed from the reported events in Beslan, and how these narratives were constructed.

A society in transition

In the last generation, Northern Ireland has undergone a tortuous yet remarkable process of social and political change. This book explores what Northern Ireland was like during violent conflict, and whether the situation is any different 'after the troubles'. It examines the political developments and divisions essential to a critical understanding of the nature of Northern Irish society. The book focuses a number of elements of popular cultural practice that are often overlooked when social scientists address Northern Ireland. Sport plays an important though often dispiriting role that in Northern Irish society. It looks at some of the problems and ways forward for transitional justice and memory work in Northern Ireland. The book reviews the history of strategic spatial policy in post-partition Northern Ireland. It draws on feminist scholarship to expose how explanations of the ethnic conflict that ignore gender are always partial. The book illustrates how feminist and gender politics are part of the political culture of Northern Ireland and offers conceptual resources to academics engaged in investigating the conflict. It further provides a brief outline of critical race theory (CRT) and the critique of whiteness therein before using it as a basis from which to examine the research literature on racism in Northern Ireland. The course that popular music has taken in Northern Ireland during 1990s of the peace process, is also considered and the most crucial issues of the peace process, police reform, are examined.

Weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher

-Karabakh conflict was midwife to the different ways three post-Soviet entities organised their (recognised or unrecognised) statehood. This chapter deals with the interdependence of institutional weakness of states and the organisation of conflict. Institutional weakness of statehood is at the same time both cause and consequence of violent conflict. On the one hand the escalation of conflict into violence is connected with the local exploitation of organisational voids in the official Soviet institutions. On the other hand, reinstitutionalising non-violent conflict after war and forced

in Potentials of disorder
Sue-Ann Harding

This book, motivated by both the events in Beslan and the ideas of narrative theory, asks to what extent a narrative theory combining sociological and narratological approaches lends itself to elaborating a model of analysis for the study of media reporting (and translation) on violent conflict in general and the Beslan hostage disaster in particular. Narrative theory was adopted not only as the

in Beslan
The disposal of bodies in the 1994 Rwandan genocide
Nigel Eltringham

8 Display, concealment and ‘culture’: the disposal of bodies in the 1994 Rwandan genocide Nigel Eltringham Introduction In their ethnography of violent conflict, ‘cultures of terror’ 1 and genocide, anthropologists have recognized that violence is discursive. The victim’s body is a key vehicle of that discourse. In contexts of inter-ethnic violence, for example, ante-mortem degradation and/or post-mortem mutilation are employed to transform the victim’s body into a representative example of the ethnic category, the manipulation of the body enabling the

in Human remains and mass violence
The organisation of war-escalation in the Krajina region of Croatia 1990–91
Hannes Grandits and Carolin Leutloff

reform and institutional formation in the process of societal transformation. The leader–followeroriented perspective was chosen to avoid the hypothesis that conflict escalation was inevitable. The analysis of the year before the outbreak of open war in June 1991 is sub24 War-escalation in the Krajina region 1990–91 divided into three sections focusing on distinct phases in the development: first the popularisation and institutionalisation of national front-lines, secondly, the mobilisation for violent conflict resolution and, finally, the importance of the potential of

in Potentials of disorder
Stephen Emerson and Hussein Solomon

global population pressures and economic demands fuel the potential for violent conflict within societies and across international borders. And while this situation is a far cry from Kaplan’s portrait of global anarchy and pervasiveness of war,28 these types of cross-cutting linkages clearly produce an increased level of complexity that can exacerbate tensions, 176 African security in the twenty-first century feed ­fanaticism, and fuel violence, which makes mitigation exceedingly difficult. Resources in and of themselves are not the source of conflict, as we have

in African security in the twenty-first century
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Albanian society and the quest for independence from statehood in Kosovo and Macedonia
Norbert Mappes-Niediek

agreement, Albanians achieved something they had never sought. As opposed to Kosovo, the situation in Macedonia was not unbearable for Albanians when the violent conflict broke out. Arben Xhaferi, the ‘moderate’ leader of the Macedonian Albanians, was not as passive as Rugova in Kosovo. Yet the radicals soon became more popular than the elected leaders. There are two main reasons for this, first, any conflict with the slightest national connotations gathers all Albanians under one flag – right or wrong, my family. There is hardly a forum among Albanians to discuss different

in Potentials of disorder
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Bernadette C. Hayes and Ian McAllister

It is increasingly accepted that religion is a cause of many of the world’s violent conflicts. The vast majority of contemporary conflicts are intrastate conflicts and involve issues of religious, national or ethnic identity. Although religious conflicts in general have been less common in the post-Second World War era than nonreligious conflicts – or ethnonational

in Conflict to peace