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This book is the first collection of translated sources on towns in medieval England between 1100 and 1500. Drawing on a variety of written evidence for the significan and dynamic period, it provides an overview of English medieval urban history. Readers are invited to consider the challenges and opportunities presented by a wide range of sources. The merchant, for example, is seen from different angles - as an economic agent, as a religious patron and in Chaucer's fictional depiction. The prominence of London and the other major cities is reflected in the selection, but due attention is also given to a number of small market towns. Occasions of conflict are represented, as are examples of groups and societies which both contributed to and helped to contain the tensions within urban society. Changing indicators of wealth and poverty are considered, together with evidence for more complex questions concerning the quality of life in the medieval town. The book moves between the experience of urban life and contemporary perceptions of it - from domestic furnishings to legends of civic origins and plays in which townspeople enacted their own history.
throughout the past century.23 When the National Council for Social Service (still very much in existence 138 People, places and identities in the twenty-first century as the National Council for Voluntary Organizations) was established in 1919 to continue and extend the considerable wartime co-operation between voluntary and statutory bodies and to co-ordinate the work of voluntary associations, one of its aims was ‘to co-operate with Government Departments and Local Authorities making use of voluntary effort’.24 Lettice Fisher wrote, with pride, when reviewing the
: the first empirical-historical, and the second ideological. Insurrectionary anarchism can be understood as a tendency within anarchism’s larger history, sharing the framework’s chief concern of the destruction of state and capitalism through direct action, voluntary association, horizontality, mutual aid, and illegalism. Drawing from poststructuralism and Queer theory, contemporary insurrectionism challenges power through its multifaceted manifestations, and seeks to target its direct embodiments when possible. In assessing how anarcho is anarcho
of law and order to secure people space in which to pursue their legitimate ends. This minarchist position implies no logically necessary tension with traditions, but in practice liberalism has often come to view itself in tension with the substantive authority of traditions arising from family, church, schools, and other forms of autochthonous voluntary associations (1981a: 185–6). In his 1958 essay ‘Tradition and Liberty’, Shils proposed that classical liberalism ‘has been all in favour of the critical emancipation of the individual from the domination of
not recognised as members of an established Church – were joining Anglicans in leading national prayer. 140 The world of voluntary associations held out benefits and challenges to the Anglican clergy. One basic problem was that there were many different kinds of associations to choose from: indeed, the range of institutions that drew clerical involvement shows that Anglicans could not agree what
The last chapter traces the high-point of giving for the lights as guilds and confraternities mushroomed. A solid belief in Purgatory encouraged people to give in order to earn time off this pain. The use of wax for the lights grew until it was necessary to import wax into Western Europe. By the early sixteenth century, the cost of the lights was met predominantly by voluntary associations. The censuales and other tributary groups declined in a predominantly urban environment. Urban associations, however, gained control of much church funding, and they were instrumental in determining responses to reform teaching. When the belief in Purgatory came to an end, funding for the lights ended abruptly. This is the final twist in the relationship between belief and termaiality.
churches as voluntary associations in which the officer class – the bishops and clergy – were responsible to lay subscribers. Both Gray and Broughton expressed fears that the colonial Church would be torn apart by the same secessionist impulse that had broken up the Presbyterian Church of Scotland in several stages between the eighteenth century and the famous disruption of 1843. The task of reconciling
party not seek to attain political office itself. This approach generates definitions such as, ‘A pressure group is an organization which seeks as one of its functions to influence the formulation and implementation of public policy …’ (Grant 2000, 14). However, in the research literature a wide range of labelling conventions are evident. Labels such as associations, interest organizations, voluntary associations, interest groups, pressure groups and citizen groups, among many more, co-exist. Specialist scholars have long debated what
beyond the boundaries of face-to-face interaction while particularised trust results from experiences of cooperation and repeated inter action with the immediate circle of cooperators, for example family members, community members, or fellow members of a voluntary association. Personalised trust is often described as ‘thicker’, and is based on personal relations ‘that are strong, frequent and nested in wider networks’.3 ‘Thin’ trust is broader and includes persons met through chance encounters – say in a public space, in a coffee shop or at the supermarket. Putnam
’ educational level, the family’s socio-cultural level, the parents’ involvement in schoolwork, the family’s interaction with neighbours, the students’ participation in organisations, personal ambition in school, interest in society, and gender. Effect (b) School factorsa Table 8.4 Effects of school factors on generalised trust 154 CULTURAL WARFARE AND TRUST Contrary to the civil society argument, our analysis shows that students are less inclined to trust others if they are active in voluntary associations.34 Even when conducting bivariate regressions, the negative