Looking for Bosnia

Developed through a series of encounters with a Bosnian Serb soldier Stojan Sokolović, this book is a meditation on the possibilities and limitations of responding to the extreme violence of the Bosnian war. It explores the ethics of confronting the war criminal and investigates the possibility of responsibility not just to victims of war and war crimes, but also to the perpetrators of violence. The book explains how Stojan Sokolović attenuated the author to the fact that he was responsible, to everyone, all the time, and for everything. It exposes the complexity of the categories of good and evil. Silence is also the herald of violence, or its co-conspirator. The author and Stojan Sokolović were trapped in violence, discursive and material, and discursive that leads to material, and material that emanates from and leads back to discursive. Two years after beginning his research into identity and the politics of conflict in Bosnia and Kosovo, the author got the opportunity to visit the region presented itself. According to the vast majority of the literature of the 1990s on Bosnia, it was clear that the biggest problem with nationalist violence and intolerance was to be found in Republika Srpska. The book is the author's discourse on a variety of experiences, including those of ethics, politics, disasters, technologies, fieldwork, adventure tourism, and dilemmas.

therefore to the law of arms,’ and they were treated as prisoners. 19 Courts of chivalry were established with the power to hears cases in which it was alleged that this ‘law of arms’ had been disregarded or blatantly broken, and these courts frequently sentenced knights to dishonour or death. 20 What has been described as the first recorded trial of a war criminal by an international tribunal is

in The contemporary law of armed conflict

and fabricate sufficient evidence to implicate the source as a ‘War Criminal’. This action gave the interrogators the preliminary and necessary ‘hold’ over the source and provided a means of intimidation since it put the source outside the protection of the Geneva Convention and permitted the detaining power to punish the source according to its own criminal law. In the specific case of Colonel Carne, ‘who is essentially a man of high moral values and is easily recognised as such’, everything was done to humiliate him, to undermine those standards of conduct ‘which

in Britain’s Korean War

the British Bengali community since the late 1980s and Sayeedi’s speeches are also available as recordings in Brick Lane shops.90 The UK branch of the Nirmul Committee, which campaigned for prosecution of war criminals and the resumption of a legal process that was interrupted by the 1975 coup, published detailed allegations of Sayeedi’s involvement in a reign of terror that included the murder of intellectuals, supplying young women to the Pakistani army and looting Hindu homes.91 The Nirmul Committee also publicised the Channel 4 Dispatches programme of 3 May 1995

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
Open Access (free)
Warfare, politics and religion after the Habsburg Empire in the Julian March, 1930s– 1970s

later on were involved in the trials of Nazi war criminals. The Julian March: wars and borders The northern Adriatic region is named in numerous ways by its ­different residents. In Italian, it is known as Venezia Giulia (Julian Venice), to underline its ancient Roman heritage. In English, however, this name is usually translated as Julian March, which references 67 Chained corpses  67 its role as a border. Slovenians and Croatians call it Primorska or Primorje (Littoral), a partial translation of what was termed Österreichisches Küstenland (Austrian Littoral

in Human remains in society
War monuments and the contradictions of Japan’s post-imperial commemoration

, associations supporting convicted war criminals and local groups opposing such plans. In this context it was the issue of Japanese war criminals, their trials, their fate and their place within the nation’s public discourse which assumed a central role. The three categories of war crimes established at Nuremberg for dealing with Nazi atrocities also served as the template for trials of

in Sites of imperial memory
Abstract only

mad and bad Like his equally crazy sidekick Dr Radovan Karadzic in Bosnia, he casts himself as a persecuted genius, a Serbian hero … [with a] by now highly developed martyr complex ‘a very evil man who is willing to take horrendous steps against civilians’ (Julian Brazier, MP) Criminal ‘an indicted war criminal’ (Tony Blair) ‘an indicted war criminal’ (Foreign Secretary Robin

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts

Force (IFOR) to enforce the agreement and arrest the war criminals who were continuing to block reconciliation efforts.25 These requirements were, of course, at the demand of the Bosnian government – whose goals the Serbs and Croats see as predatory. In practice, the Dayton provisions that promote disintegration have proved stronger than those that promote reintegration, primarily because of the disinclination of IFOR (and its successor, NATO’s Stabilisation Force (SFOR)) to coerce the Bosnian Serbs and Croats – whose leaders were still intent on carving up Bosnia

in Limiting institutions?
Forensic and archaeological approaches to locating the remains of Holocaust victims

Commission for the Investigation of German Crimes in Poland, 1946); Polish–​Soviet Extraordinary Commission for Investigating the Crimes Committed by the Germans in the Majdanek Extermination Camp in Lublin (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1944). 13 International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg (IMTN), Trial of the Major War Criminals before the International Military Tribunal Nuremberg 14 November 1945–​1 October 1946, Nuremberg, 1947. URL: www.loc.gov/​rr/​ frd/​Military_​Law/​NT_​major-​war-​criminals.html (accessed 20 October 2007). 14 For examples in

in Human remains in society
Legality and legitimacy

in respect of offences which had not taken place within the territory of Israel, and indeed, in respect of offences which had taken place when Israel did not even exist as a state.8 After the First World War, the Versailles Treaty (1919) required Germany to try its own war criminals. The resulting Leipzig trials were widely discredited; 888 out of 901 defendants were acquitted or had their cases dismissed. After the Second World War, international trials attracted the greatest publicity. However, the largest volume of war crimes trials were held in Germany in the

in Domestic and international trials, 1700–2000